November 1921

Nov-01

Griffith shows the other members of the Irish delegation a draft of the letter of personal assurance that he was going to send to send to Llyod George.  Barton, Duffy and Childers angrily protested against the letter. Despite being irritated, Griffith agreed to re-draft the letter – after which it closely followed the Irish memorandum of the 29th October.

Curran J M (1980), pgs 96-97

Nov-02

Griffith and Collins meet with Lloyd George and Birkenhead to discuss Griffith's letter (which was now coming from full delegation).  The two British delegates got Griffith and Collins to agree to a number of changes to the letter.  The two most important were (1) the phrase describing Ireland's association with the Commonwealth as a "free partnership with the British Commonwealth" was changed to "a free partnership of Ireland with the other states associated within the British Commonwealth" and (2) the Irish position on Ulster which ruled out any association if unity was denied was changed to the delegation's attitude to other vital matters was conditional on the recognition of the essential unity of Ireland. With some effort, Griffith got the consent of the full delegation to the changes (Barton and Gavan Duffy only giving consent reluctantly) and it was sent to Llyod George late on evening of the 2nd November.  Full text of letter given in Macardle.  Comment

Curran J M (1980), pg 97; Macardle (1999), pgs 555-556

Nov-03

Griffith sends copy of letter to de Valera with a cover note saying that it is consistent with external association and external recognition.  De Valera or nobody else seems to note that it is open to other interpretations.  Macardle says that Barton and Gavan Duffy (and Childers) considered resigning but did not as they believed the final decision would rest with the cabinet in Dublin.

Curran J M (1980), pg 97; Macardle (1999), pg 557

Nov-03

Birkenhead thanks Griffith and Collins for the letter of assurance and says the British intends to talk to Craig to dissuade him from opposing efforts to secure Irish unity.  He also says that if the Ulster proves to be unreasonable, then the British government would not use force against Sinn Féin.

Curran J M (1980), pg 98

Nov-04

Gavin Duffy goes to Dublin (at Barton’s and Childers’ request) and complains to de Valera about Griffith and Collins negotiating with the British on their own but de Valera does not intervene.

Macardle (1999), pg 557; Curran J M (1980), pg 976

Nov-05

Llyod George meets with Craig in London in which he tries to persuade him to have the Northern Ireland parliament subordinate to an All-Ireland parliament.  Craig at first seems receptive but two days later he totally rejects it.  He also refuses to countenance any diminution of the six county area.  In this he is supported by Carson and Bonar Law.  Thomas Jones comes up with the idea of a Boundary Commission.

Macardle (1999), pg 557; Curran J M (1980), pg 99; Phoenix (1994), pg 151

Nov-07

Talking to Tom Jones, Llyod George says that the only alternative to the breakdown of negotiations and his resignation (as he had promised Griffith that he would resign if he could not deliver unity) was Dominion status for the 26 counties and status quo for the six counties with boundary revisions. Llyod George charges Jones with finding out from Collins and Griffith if they would agree to this proposal (which he did the next day).

Curran J M (1980), pg 102

Nov-08

Griffith writes to de Valera saying that the Boundary Commission would give South most of Tyrone, Fermanagh, and part of Armagh, Down, etc.  Llyod George was asking Craig to choose between a full Six County area with a parliament subordinate to an All-Ireland parliament or a sub-division (probably minus Tyrone, Fermanagh, etc.) with its own parliament [presumably subordinate to Westminster because Griffith wrote that “Llyod George would give no further powers than what was possessed under the present Act to the area that remained obdurate after the boundary Commission had completed its work”].  Llyod George asked Griffith (through Jones) if he would stand behind such a proposal.  (Jones, who put the idea to Collins and Griffith as his own and not Llyod George’s, also pointed out to Griffith and Collins that if Llyod George resigned Bonar Law might then form a militarist government which would coerce Southern Ireland.)  Griffith was non-committal and that Sinn Féin would leave it in Llyod George’s hands.  Jones said that he would get Llyod George’s opinion of the proposal and get back to them the next day

 

Macardle (1999), pgs 557-558; Curran J M (1980), pg 102

Nov-08

Authorities relax curfew restrictions in Belfast – curfew to start at 11.30pm

Parkinson (2004), pg 167

Nov-09

De Valera writes back to Griffith acknowledging the move to isolate the unionists but warning against giving any further ground on the ‘Crown and Empire’ connection.

Macardle (1999), pg 559

Nov-09

Jones meets with Griffith and Duggan, he said that Llyod George was going to secure cabinet approval against Ulster the next day but before he did he wanted to play ‘one absolutely last card’.  He wanted to put to Craig the proposal he talked to Jones about on the 7th (and Jones had spoken to Griffith and Collins the day before) and if the unionists refused this offer then they could be portrayed as unreasonable in trying to coerce areas that had majorities that wished to be under a Dublin government.  Jones asked Griffith and Duggan if they would stand behind such a proposal.  Griffith replied that it was not his delegation’s proposal “but we realise its value as a technical manoeuvre and if Llyod George made it we would not queer his position.” Griffith insisted that the boundary commission must cover all six counties and not just Fermanagh and Tyrone.  Llyod George was pleased when Jones reported to him but he insisted that the boundary commission must cover all nine Ulster counties.   Jones checked this out with Duggan the next day and Duggan did not object.  This increased Llyod George’s optimism and over the next few days, he expressed confidence that the alternative proposal would force the unionists in Northern Ireland to accept unity.

 

Curran J M (1980), pgs 103-104.

Nov-10

Having left Hamburg on October 28th, Charlie McGuinness sailed the Frieda into Waterford Harbour.  He had got held up by bad weather and fog of Helvick Head meant that he couldn’t give the agreed signal.  He moored the Frieda behind an island and rowed ashore.  He went in search of local Sinn Féin leader, Dr Vincent White.  After a bit of convincing, White accompanied McGuinness to view the cargo of the Frieda.  White then organised to have the cargo unloaded and sent a message to Pax Whelan who sent cars to pick up the guns and ammunition and bring them to Keatings of Kilrossanty in the Comeragh mountains.  From Keatings, they were distributed to the Southern and Midlands Divisions of the IRA. 

McCarthy (2015), pgs 93-94

Nov-11

C. McEvoy 73 Gloucester St., Dublin dies

O’Farrell (1997), pg 112

Nov-11

Llyod George sends a letter to Craig formally inviting him to a conference. (Curran says 10th)

Macardle (1999), pg 560; Curran J M (1980), pg 100

Nov-11

After hearing that Chamberlain was to speak in favour of an Irish settlement at the forthcoming Conservative convention in Liverpool on the 17th, Griffith writes to de Valera saying that “The ‘Ulster’ crowd are in the pit that they digged for us, and if we keep them there we’ll have England and the Dominions out against them in the next week or two”

 

Curran J M (1980), pg 105 & 310

Nov-12

Bonar Law in a letter to the editor of The Scotsman says he would resist British Government attempts to coerce Ulster and that he felt that Ulster was as much part of Britain as Scotland.

 

Curran J M (1980), pg 99

Nov-12

Craig, after consulting his cabinet, replies to Llyod George rejecting coming under an All-Ireland parliament and rejecting any revision of the Six County boundaries.  Also, Craig proposes that the North as well as the South be given Dominion status.   (Curran says 11th)

 

Macardle (1999), pg 560; Curran J M (1980), pg 101 & 105

Nov-12

Llyod George and Griffith meet and Griffith is shown the Llyod George – Craig correspondence.  Llyod George now says that he wishes to make a proposal to Craig that there would be an All-Ireland Parliament but that Ulster would have the right to remove itself from its jurisdiction.  However, if Northern Ireland chose to withdraw, then a boundary commission would delimit its area to make the boundary conform as closely as possible to the wishes of the population.  He asked Griffith if he would refrain from repudiating it.  Griffith gave him this assurance.   (There was to be a major unionist meeting on the 19th in Liverpool and Llyod George wanted to be able to show that the Ulster position had not been sacrificed.)  Comment

 

Macardle (1999), pgs 561-562; Curran J M (1980), pg 106

Nov-13

Jones shows Griffith a summary of the proposals he had agreed to with Llyod George and Griffith verbally assented to them.  (Griffith did not mention this document to his colleagues or de Valera.)  Phoenix comments that “through this stratagem Llyod George had effectively pre-empted any future attempt by the Irish delegates to stage a ‘break’ on the partition issue".

 

Curran J M (1980), pg 107; Phoenix (1994), pg 151

Nov-14

At the GAA Louth county junior final between Boyne Rangers of Drogheda and Clan na Gaels from Dundalk, rival groups of IRA men pull weapons on each other twice during the game. The Chief of the Republican Police in the area described it as “very discreditable to the national movement in the area”.

Hall (2019), pg 87

Nov-14

Llyod George writes to Craig reiterating his desire for an unconditional conference (and arguing against Craig’s idea of establishing two Dominions).

 

Macardle (1999), pg 563; Curran J M (1980), pg 101

Nov-15

The Dáil cabinet approves the second external loan “to enable the Irish Republic to function, to preserve its integrity and to achieve its recognition”. 20 million dollars was to be raised.

 

Macardle (1999), pg 565

Nov-15

Trial starts in Belfast of seven IRA men accused of abducting and holding prisoner a Protestant called Arthur Hunt.  Not clear if Hunt was a police informer but resultant publicity very bad for IRA.

 

McDermott (2001), pgs 121-124

Nov-16

A group of Southern Unionists (Earl of Midleton, Dr Bernard (Provost of Trinity) & Andrew Johnson) meet with Griffith and he promises that he would recommend safeguards for their interests.

 

Macardle (1999), pg 564

Nov-16

British draft of treaty given to Irish delegation.  It offered dominion status (close to Canada but with special provisions).  Along with relatively uncontested trade, finances and security provisions, Northern Ireland could exclude itself but if it did, a boundary commission would revise the current border in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants.  Griffith sent a copy to de Valera saying that he thought the terms should be rejected.  British informed that the Irish side would shortly submit counter proposals.

 

Curran J M (1980), pg 109

Nov-16

Brugha, as Minister of Defence, writes to Mulcahy, as IRA Chief-of-Staff, saying that there would be fresh commissions issued to officers and offers of re-enlistment to all ranks.  The reason was renewed fighting was a possibility and that it was necessary “to put the Army in an unequivocal position as the legal defence force of the Nation under the control of the Civil Government”. 

Before he accepted a fresh commission as Chief of Staff, Mulcahy wanted clarity on the issue of who had the power to make appointments to GHQ - that such appointments should not be “made against his judgement and without his concurrence”.  Brugha replied that, while his advice would be considered, all appointments will be made by the “Cabinet on the recommendations of the Minister of Defence”.  A meeting is called between Cabinet and GHQ to resolve this and related issues on November 25th.

Townshend (2014), pg 329

Nov-17

Craig replies to Llyod George saying that in no way could Ulster be placed under Sinn Féin.  He again requested dominion status for Northern Ireland.

 

Macardle (1999), pgs 563; Curran J M (1980), pg 101

Nov-17

Large conference of unionists (and conservatives?) from all over Great Britain and Ireland takes place in Liverpool.  A resolution denouncing the British Government for negotiating with Sinn Féin is defeated. 

 

Macardle (1999), pg 564-565

Nov-17

De Valera writes to Griffith saying that it was time to send the British their final word and this could best be done by presenting Draft Treaty A suitably modified. 

 

Curran J M (1980), pg 109

Nov-17

At a ceremony in Dublin, de Valera is inaugurated as Chancellor of the National University of Ireland.

 

Macardle (1999), pg 566

Nov-17?

British government decision to transfer responsibility for law and order and local government to Northern Ireland Ministry of Home Affairs.  (Promised at Liverpool meeting?)  See November 22nd.

 

Phoenix (1994), pg 152

Nov17

The Irish Bulletin publishes an internal memo from Lt Col Sir Charles Wickham (RIC Commissioner) to all City and County heads of the USC proposing that ex-servicemen be brought into the USC to be used in a grave emergency.

 

McDermott (2001), pg 124

Nov-18

A circular from Tudor (Chief of Police) to his Deputy Inspector General, the Divisional Commissioner in Belfast, and the Commandant of the Auxiliary Division states that the RIC "stationed in the six counties will not be handed over at present but will be placed as from November 22nd at the disposal of the Northern Government".  The Special Constables were handed over completely but no mention is made of the Auxiliaries.  Memo given in Abbott (2019), pgs 343-3444

 

Abbott (2000), pgs 269-270; Parkinson (2004), pg 90

Nov-19&20

Riots break out in the east side of Belfast and in the York St area on the 19th.  Disturbances in the Ballymacarrett area the following day.

 

Parkinson (2004), pg 168

Nov-20

Craig writes to Llyod George asking if Sinn Féin “was prepared to give allegiance to the Crown without reservation … or whether their consent to do so is still withheld and made dependent on your first having procured the consent of Ulster to an All-Ireland Parliament”

 

Macardle (1999), pg 565

Nov-21-24

Major disturbances in Belfast over these days with at least 24 fatalities and 91 injuries being recorded.  (Abbott says that, between the 19th and 25th November, 27 people are killed in Belfast.) More Detail

 

Parkinson (2004), pgs 168-170; Abbott (2000), pgs 274-275; McDermott (2001), pgs 125-132

Nov-22

Irish delegation in London send a new memorandum to the British – in effect, an outline treaty, full text is given as Appendix 18 in Macardle. Mostly prepared by Childers but presented as Barton’s to avoid incurring Griffith’s wrath.  Thomas Jones comes to meet Griffith saying that the new memorandum had filled Llyod George with despair.

 

Macardle (1999), pgs 568-569

Nov-22

Responsibility for security is transferred from Westminster to the Northern Ireland Government.  Curfew regulations, eased on the 8th Nov, are tightened.  In the previous weeks, a new Protestant paramilitary group – the Imperial Guards – appeared made up of ex-servicemen and ex-UVF.  Craig was able to use their appearance to press the British government to bring back the USC.

McCluskey says that after the transfer of security powers, the Minister of Home Affairs, Dawson Bates, “virtually gave the USC immunity from prosecution”. 

 

Parkinson (2004), pg 169; McDermott (2001), pg 120 & 125; Grant (2018), pg 126; McCluskey (2014), pg 100

 

Nov-22

45 IRA prisoners tunnel their way out of Kilkenny prison.  No attempt is made to re-capture them. (Walsh says 43 prisoners escaped and gives a detailed account of how they did it.) 

McCarthy (2015), pg 80; Walsh (2018), pgs 135-141

Nov-23

Chamberlain talks to Bonar Law and explains the British delegation’s proposals.  When Law is convinced that Ulster would not be forced under an All-Ireland parliament then he said he would advise Craig and Carson that they could not expect the British Government to fight to protect the six county boundary.  It is clear, however, that Law thinks the Boundary Commission would only make minor modifications.

 

Curran J M (1980), pg 109 & 311

Nov-23

At a conference of the Irish and British delegations, advance was made on the issues on trade and defence.  It would appear that these issues, as well as finance would not be impediments to an agreement.

 

Macardle (1999), pg 572

Nov-23

William Cosgrave sends a rebuke to the Sinn Féin controlled Meath County council for firing a nurse, not for professional incompetence but for her Redmondite politics and snobbish attitude towards Sinn Féiners.  According to Garvin, this is an example of Cosgrave seeing the need to accommodate non-Sinn Féin supporters in the new state.

Garvin (1996), pg 72

Nov-23

Tadgh Barry, 1st Battalion, Cork No. 1 Brigade, IRA and Alderman who is a prisoner is killed by a sentry in Ballykinlar camp. (O’Farrell says that it was 15th November and McDermott says it was before 17th November.)

 

O'Kelly in The Kerryman (1955), pg 26; Gallagher (1953), pg 225; McDermott (2001), pg 124; O’Farrell (1997), pg 102

Nov-24

At a conference of the Irish and British delegations in the House of Lords, the question of the Irish recognition of the Crown was discussed. The Irish delegates said that there could be no question of allegiance but they undertook to prepare a formula outlining the extent to which they would recognise the Crown.

 

Macardle (1999), pg 572

Nov-25

Harbour Constable John McHenry was shot dead on patrol on Milewater Rd, Belfast.  (McHenry was a Catholic.) In the north of the city, a Catholic shopkeeper James McIvor is shot dead outside his shop in Little Patrick St.

 

Abbott (2000), pg 270; Parkinson (2004), pg 172; McDermott (2001), pg 129

Nov-25

Violence breaks out in Belfast leading over the next four days to 26 people killed and 94 people injured.  Macardle says that the death toll from violence since 1st July stands at 174.  [However, it is likely that Macardle has got the date wrong for this outbreak of violence and it should have the 21st November.]

 

Macardle (1999), pg 575

Nov-25

The Dáil orders the updating of the electoral register.

 

Macardle (1999), pg 565

Nov-25

Collins and Griffith go to Dublin for a meeting of the Dáil Cabinet and approve the following formula for the recognition of the Crown: “Ireland shall recognise the British Crown for the purposes of the Association as the symbol and accepted head of the combination of Associated States”

 

Macardle (1999), pg 572

Nov-25

Meeting between the Dáil Cabinet and IRA GHQ to try to resolve issue of who had the power to appoint members of GHQ Staff and related issues.  See November 16th.  However, Eoin O’Duffy took shrill umbrage at what he seen as being demoted and replaced by Austen Stack as deputy chief of staff. De Valera (who should have brought a calming chairman’s influence on proceedings) instead “rose excitedly in his chair … and declared in a half-scream, half-shout ‘ye may mutiny if ye like, but Ireland will give me another army’ and dismissed the whole lot of us from his sight”.  

The key issue was left unresolved.  In effect, the status quo ante remained but as Townshend says “de Valera’s use of the word ‘mutiny’ was ominous”.  Garvin notes that Griffith and Collins were not present for this meeting. 

Townshend (2014), pg 330; Garvin (1996), pg 56

Nov-28

Fermanagh and Tyrone County Councils cut all ties with the Belfast Parliament in favour of the Dáil –see December 1st.

McCluskey (2014), pg 105

Nov-28

A Memorandum on External Association is presented by the Irish delegation to the British.  That evening at Chequers, Griffith and Duggan meet Llyod George, Birkenhead and Horne.  The British say that the Irish proposals are impossible.  Following discussion, the British agreed that functions of the Crown in Ireland would be no more than in the distant Dominions and the Irish were invited to devise the formulation.

 

Macardle (1999), pg 573

Nov-28

After British government decision to hand over responsibility for local government to Northern Ireland Ministry of Home Affairs, Tyrone County Council pledges its allegiance to Dáil Eireann.  Eight smaller public bodies follow.  On same day the NI Minister of Home Affairs, Dawson Bates, brings in a bill in the NI parliament which allowed him to dissolve any local authority.  Offices of Tyrone County Council are subsequently raided by the police and their records seized on the 2nd December. 

 

Macardle (1999), pg 574; Curran J M (1980), pg 102; Phoenix (1994), pgs 152-153

Nov-29

At a meeting in Downing St., the British delegation tell Griffith that they intended to have their final proposals ready within a week and to send them to the Irish Delegation and Craig on 6th December.  Griffith got a promise that he would have them by the 1st December.  He wrote to de Valera saying that he would come to Dublin on the 2nd and asked for a cabinet meeting on the 3rd.  (During this time Childers was writing reports for the Irish delegation analysing the position of the other Dominions especially Canada – he made unfavourable comparisons with what had already been conceded by the Irish delegation and this angered Griffith.)

 

Macardle (1999), pg 573

Nov-29

After returning from London and talks with Llyod George, Craig says in Belfast that soon either negotiations will have broken down or Llyod George will send new proposals for consideration by the cabinet. 

 

Macardle (1999), pg 574; Curran J M (1980), pg 101

Nov-29

A bomb is thrown into a nationalist area of Belfast, killing Annie McNamara.

 

Parkinson (2004), pg 173

Nov-30

Speaking to the Mid-Clare Brigade IRA, de Valera said “We are going to stand on the rock of truth and principle.  …. We know the terrorism, we know the savagery that can be used against us, and we defy it.”  He had spent this week, along with Cathal Brugha, reviewing IRA contingents in Limerick, Galway and Clare.  Preparations were being made in case of a breakdown in the negotiations.

 

Macardle (1999), pg 575

Nov-30

A Protestant, Alexander Reid (48), is shot dead on his way to work on the Ormeau Rd. in Belfast.

 

Parkinson (2004), pg 173

Nov-30

The Belfast Telegraph reports Craig as blaming Sinn Féin in the NI Parliament for the recent violence and informed them that 700 ‘A’ Specials and 5,000 ‘B’ Specials would be enrolled immediately.  Around this time, Wickham, Divisional Commissioner of the RIC in the North, orders his men to regard the truce as non-existent.

 

McDermott (2001), pgs 140-141

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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