November 1921
|
Nov-01 |
Griffith shows the other members of the Irish delegation a draft of
the letter of personal assurance that he was going to send to send to Llyod
George. Barton, Duffy and Childers angrily protested against the
letter. Despite being irritated, Griffith agreed to re-draft the letter –
after which it closely followed the Irish memorandum of the 29th
October. |
Curran J M (1980), pgs 96-97 |
|
Nov-02 |
Griffith and Collins meet with Lloyd George and Birkenhead to discuss
Griffith's letter (which was now coming from full delegation). The two
British delegates got Griffith and Collins to agree to a number of changes to
the letter. The two most important were (1) the phrase describing
Ireland's association with the Commonwealth as a "free partnership with
the British Commonwealth" was changed to "a free partnership of
Ireland with the other states associated within the British
Commonwealth" and (2) the Irish position on Ulster which ruled out any
association if unity was denied was changed to the delegation's attitude to
other vital matters was conditional on the recognition of the essential unity
of Ireland. With some effort, Griffith got the consent of the full delegation
to the changes (Barton and Gavan Duffy only giving consent reluctantly) and
it was sent to Llyod George late on evening of the 2nd November. Full
text of letter given in Macardle. Comment |
Curran J M (1980), pg 97; Macardle (1999), pgs 555-556 |
|
Nov-03 |
Griffith sends copy of letter to de Valera with a cover note saying
that it is consistent with external association and external
recognition. De Valera or nobody else seems to note that it is open to
other interpretations. Macardle says that Barton and Gavan Duffy (and
Childers) considered resigning but did not as they believed the final
decision would rest with the cabinet in Dublin. |
Curran J M (1980), pg 97; Macardle (1999), pg 557 |
|
Nov-03 |
Birkenhead thanks Griffith and Collins for the letter of assurance and
says the British intends to talk to Craig to dissuade him from opposing
efforts to secure Irish unity. He also says that if the Ulster proves
to be unreasonable, then the British government would not use force against
Sinn Féin. |
Curran J M (1980), pg 98 |
|
Nov-04 |
Gavin Duffy goes to Dublin (at Barton’s and Childers’ request) and
complains to de Valera about Griffith and Collins negotiating with the
British on their own but de Valera does not intervene. |
Macardle (1999), pg 557; Curran J M (1980), pg 976 |
|
Nov-05 |
Llyod George meets with Craig in London in which he tries to persuade
him to have the Northern Ireland parliament subordinate to an All-Ireland
parliament. Craig at first seems receptive but two days later he
totally rejects it. He also refuses to countenance any diminution of
the six county area. In this he is supported by Carson and Bonar
Law. Thomas Jones comes up with the idea of a Boundary Commission. |
Macardle (1999), pg 557; Curran J M (1980), pg 99; Phoenix (1994), pg
151 |
|
Nov-07 |
Talking to Tom Jones, Llyod George says that the only alternative to
the breakdown of negotiations and his resignation (as he had promised
Griffith that he would resign if he could not deliver unity) was Dominion
status for the 26 counties and status quo for the six counties with boundary
revisions. Llyod George charges Jones with finding out from Collins and
Griffith if they would agree to this proposal (which he did the next day). |
Curran J M (1980), pg 102 |
|
Nov-08 |
Griffith writes to de Valera saying that the Boundary Commission would
give South most of Tyrone, Fermanagh, and part of Armagh, Down, etc.
Llyod George was asking Craig to choose between a full Six County area with a
parliament subordinate to an All-Ireland parliament or a sub-division
(probably minus Tyrone, Fermanagh, etc.) with its own parliament [presumably
subordinate to Westminster because Griffith wrote that “Llyod George would
give no further powers than what was possessed under the present Act to the
area that remained obdurate after the boundary Commission had completed its
work”]. Llyod George asked Griffith (through Jones) if he would stand
behind such a proposal. (Jones, who put the idea to Collins and
Griffith as his own and not Llyod George’s, also pointed out to Griffith and
Collins that if Llyod George resigned Bonar Law might then form a militarist
government which would coerce Southern Ireland.) Griffith was
non-committal and that Sinn Féin would leave it in Llyod George’s
hands. Jones said that he would get Llyod George’s opinion of the
proposal and get back to them the next day |
Macardle (1999), pgs 557-558; Curran J M (1980), pg 102 |
|
Nov-08 |
Authorities relax curfew restrictions in Belfast – curfew to start at
11.30pm |
Parkinson
(2004), pg 167 |
|
Nov-09 |
De Valera writes back to Griffith acknowledging the move to isolate
the unionists but warning against giving any further ground on the ‘Crown and
Empire’ connection. |
Macardle (1999), pg 559 |
|
Nov-09 |
Jones meets with Griffith and Duggan, he said that Llyod George was
going to secure cabinet approval against Ulster the next day but before he
did he wanted to play ‘one absolutely last card’. He wanted to put to
Craig the proposal he talked to Jones about on the 7th (and Jones
had spoken to Griffith and Collins the day before) and if the unionists
refused this offer then they could be portrayed as unreasonable in trying to
coerce areas that had majorities that wished to be under a Dublin
government. Jones asked Griffith and Duggan if they would stand behind
such a proposal. Griffith replied that it was not his delegation’s
proposal “but we realise its value as a technical manoeuvre and if Llyod
George made it we would not queer his position.” Griffith insisted that the
boundary commission must cover all six counties and not just Fermanagh and
Tyrone. Llyod George was pleased when Jones reported to him but he
insisted that the boundary commission must cover all nine Ulster
counties. Jones checked this out with Duggan the next day and
Duggan did not object. This increased Llyod George’s optimism and over
the next few days, he expressed confidence that the alternative proposal
would force the unionists in Northern Ireland to accept unity. |
Curran J M (1980), pgs 103-104. |
|
Nov-10 |
Having left Hamburg on October 28th, Charlie McGuinness
sailed the Frieda into Waterford
Harbour. He had got held up by bad
weather and fog of Helvick Head meant that he couldn’t give the agreed
signal. He moored the Frieda behind an island and rowed
ashore. He went in search of local
Sinn Féin leader, Dr Vincent White.
After a bit of convincing, White accompanied McGuinness to view the
cargo of the Frieda. White then organised to have the cargo
unloaded and sent a message to Pax Whelan who sent cars to pick up the guns
and ammunition and bring them to Keatings of Kilrossanty in the Comeragh
mountains. From Keatings, they were
distributed to the Southern and Midlands Divisions of the IRA. |
McCarthy (2015), pgs 93-94 |
|
Nov-11 |
C. McEvoy 73 Gloucester St., Dublin dies |
O’Farrell
(1997), pg 112 |
|
Nov-11 |
Llyod George sends a letter to Craig formally inviting him to a
conference. (Curran says 10th) |
Macardle (1999), pg 560; Curran J M (1980), pg 100 |
|
Nov-11 |
After hearing that Chamberlain was to speak in favour of an Irish
settlement at the forthcoming Conservative convention in Liverpool on the 17th,
Griffith writes to de Valera saying that “The ‘Ulster’ crowd are in the pit
that they digged for us, and if we keep them there we’ll have England and the
Dominions out against them in the next week or two” |
Curran J M (1980), pg 105 & 310 |
|
Nov-12 |
Bonar Law in a letter to the editor of The Scotsman says he
would resist British Government attempts to coerce Ulster and that he felt
that Ulster was as much part of Britain as Scotland. |
Curran J M (1980), pg 99 |
|
Nov-12 |
Craig, after consulting his cabinet, replies to Llyod George rejecting
coming under an All-Ireland parliament and rejecting any revision of the Six
County boundaries. Also, Craig proposes that the North as well as the
South be given Dominion status. (Curran says 11th) |
Macardle (1999), pg 560; Curran J M (1980), pg 101 & 105 |
|
Nov-12 |
Llyod George and Griffith meet and Griffith is shown the Llyod George
– Craig correspondence. Llyod George now says that he wishes to make a
proposal to Craig that there would be an All-Ireland Parliament but that
Ulster would have the right to remove itself from its jurisdiction.
However, if Northern Ireland chose to withdraw, then a boundary commission
would delimit its area to make the boundary conform as closely as possible to
the wishes of the population. He asked Griffith if he would refrain
from repudiating it. Griffith gave him this assurance.
(There was to be a major unionist meeting on the 19th in Liverpool
and Llyod George wanted to be able to show that the Ulster position had not
been sacrificed.) Comment |
Macardle (1999), pgs 561-562; Curran J M (1980), pg 106 |
|
Nov-13 |
Jones shows Griffith a summary of the proposals he had agreed to with
Llyod George and Griffith verbally assented to them. (Griffith did not
mention this document to his colleagues or de Valera.) Phoenix comments
that “through this stratagem Llyod George had effectively pre-empted any
future attempt by the Irish delegates to stage a ‘break’ on the partition
issue". |
Curran J M (1980), pg 107; Phoenix (1994), pg 151 |
|
Nov-14 |
At the GAA Louth county junior final between Boyne Rangers of Drogheda
and Clan na Gaels from Dundalk, rival groups of IRA men pull weapons on each
other twice during the game. The Chief of the Republican Police in the area
described it as “very discreditable to the national movement in the area”. |
Hall (2019), pg 87 |
|
Nov-14 |
Llyod George writes to Craig reiterating his desire for an
unconditional conference (and arguing against Craig’s idea of establishing
two Dominions). |
Macardle (1999), pg 563; Curran J M (1980), pg 101 |
|
Nov-15 |
The Dáil cabinet approves the second external loan “to enable the
Irish Republic to function, to preserve its integrity and to achieve its
recognition”. 20 million dollars was to be raised. |
Macardle (1999), pg 565 |
|
Nov-15 |
Trial starts in Belfast of seven IRA men accused of abducting and
holding prisoner a Protestant called Arthur Hunt. Not clear if Hunt was
a police informer but resultant publicity very bad for IRA. |
McDermott (2001), pgs 121-124 |
|
Nov-16 |
A group of Southern Unionists (Earl of Midleton, Dr Bernard (Provost
of Trinity) & Andrew Johnson) meet with Griffith and he promises that he
would recommend safeguards for their interests. |
Macardle (1999), pg 564 |
|
Nov-16 |
British draft of treaty given to Irish delegation. It offered
dominion status (close to Canada but with special provisions). Along
with relatively uncontested trade, finances and security provisions, Northern
Ireland could exclude itself but if it did, a boundary commission would
revise the current border in accordance with the wishes of the
inhabitants. Griffith sent a copy to de Valera saying that he thought
the terms should be rejected. British informed that the Irish side
would shortly submit counter proposals. |
Curran J M (1980), pg 109 |
|
Nov-16 |
Brugha, as Minister of Defence, writes to Mulcahy, as IRA
Chief-of-Staff, saying that there would be fresh commissions issued to
officers and offers of re-enlistment to all ranks. The reason was renewed fighting was a
possibility and that it was necessary “to put the Army in an unequivocal
position as the legal defence force of the Nation under the control of the
Civil Government”. Before he accepted a fresh commission as Chief of Staff, Mulcahy
wanted clarity on the issue of who had the power to make appointments to GHQ
- that such appointments should not be “made against his judgement and
without his concurrence”. Brugha
replied that, while his advice would be considered, all appointments will be
made by the “Cabinet on the recommendations of the Minister of Defence”. A meeting is called between Cabinet and GHQ
to resolve this and related issues on November 25th. |
Townshend
(2014), pg 329 |
|
Nov-17 |
Craig replies to Llyod George saying that in no way could Ulster be
placed under Sinn Féin. He again requested dominion status for Northern
Ireland. |
Macardle (1999), pgs 563; Curran J M (1980), pg 101 |
|
Nov-17 |
Large conference of unionists (and conservatives?) from all over Great
Britain and Ireland takes place in Liverpool. A resolution denouncing
the British Government for negotiating with Sinn Féin is defeated. |
Macardle (1999), pg 564-565 |
|
Nov-17 |
De Valera writes to Griffith saying that it was time to send the
British their final word and this could best be done by presenting Draft
Treaty A suitably modified. |
Curran J M (1980), pg 109 |
|
Nov-17 |
At a ceremony in Dublin, de Valera is inaugurated as Chancellor of the
National University of Ireland. |
Macardle (1999), pg 566 |
|
Nov-17? |
British government decision to transfer responsibility for law and
order and local government to Northern Ireland Ministry of Home
Affairs. (Promised at Liverpool meeting?) See November 22nd. |
Phoenix (1994), pg 152 |
|
Nov17 |
The Irish Bulletin publishes an internal memo from Lt Col Sir
Charles Wickham (RIC Commissioner) to all City and County heads of the USC
proposing that ex-servicemen be brought into the USC to be used in a grave
emergency. |
McDermott (2001), pg 124 |
|
Nov-18 |
A circular from Tudor (Chief of Police) to his Deputy Inspector
General, the Divisional Commissioner in Belfast, and the Commandant of the
Auxiliary Division states that the RIC "stationed in the six counties
will not be handed over at present but will be placed as from November 22nd
at the disposal of the Northern Government". The Special
Constables were handed over completely but no mention is made of the
Auxiliaries. Memo given in Abbott
(2019), pgs 343-3444 |
Abbott (2000), pgs 269-270; Parkinson
(2004), pg 90 |
|
Nov-19&20 |
Riots break out in the east side of Belfast and in the York St area on
the 19th. Disturbances in the Ballymacarrett area the
following day. |
Parkinson
(2004), pg 168 |
|
Nov-20 |
Craig writes to Llyod George asking if Sinn Féin “was prepared to give
allegiance to the Crown without reservation … or whether their consent
to do so is still withheld and made dependent on your first having procured
the consent of Ulster to an All-Ireland Parliament” |
Macardle (1999), pg 565 |
|
Nov-21-24 |
Major disturbances in Belfast over these days with at least 24
fatalities and 91 injuries being recorded. (Abbott says that, between
the 19th and 25th November, 27 people are killed in
Belfast.) More Detail |
Parkinson
(2004), pgs 168-170; Abbott (2000), pgs 274-275;
McDermott (2001), pgs 125-132 |
|
Nov-22 |
Irish delegation in London send a new memorandum to the British – in
effect, an outline treaty, full text is given as Appendix 18 in Macardle.
Mostly prepared by Childers but presented as Barton’s to avoid incurring
Griffith’s wrath. Thomas Jones comes to meet Griffith saying that the
new memorandum had filled Llyod George with despair. |
Macardle (1999), pgs 568-569 |
|
Nov-22 |
Responsibility for security is transferred from Westminster to the
Northern Ireland Government. Curfew regulations, eased on the 8th
Nov, are tightened. In the previous weeks, a new Protestant
paramilitary group – the Imperial Guards – appeared made up of ex-servicemen
and ex-UVF. Craig was able to use their appearance to press the British
government to bring back the USC. McCluskey says that after the transfer of security powers, the
Minister of Home Affairs, Dawson Bates, “virtually gave the USC immunity from
prosecution”. |
Parkinson
(2004), pg 169; McDermott (2001), pg 120 & 125; Grant (2018), pg 126;
McCluskey (2014), pg 100 |
|
Nov-22 |
45 IRA prisoners tunnel their way out of Kilkenny prison. No attempt is made to re-capture them.
(Walsh says 43 prisoners escaped and gives a detailed account of how they did
it.) |
McCarthy (2015), pg 80; Walsh (2018), pgs 135-141 |
|
Nov-23 |
Chamberlain talks to Bonar Law and explains the British delegation’s
proposals. When Law is convinced that Ulster would not be forced under
an All-Ireland parliament then he said he would advise Craig and Carson that
they could not expect the British Government to fight to protect the six
county boundary. It is clear, however, that Law thinks the Boundary
Commission would only make minor modifications. |
Curran J M (1980), pg 109 & 311 |
|
Nov-23 |
At a conference of the Irish and British delegations, advance was made
on the issues on trade and defence. It would appear that these issues,
as well as finance would not be impediments to an agreement. |
|
|
Nov-23 |
William Cosgrave sends a rebuke to the Sinn Féin controlled Meath
County council for firing a nurse, not for professional incompetence but for
her Redmondite politics and snobbish attitude towards Sinn Féiners. According to Garvin, this is an example of
Cosgrave seeing the need to accommodate non-Sinn Féin supporters in the new
state. |
Garvin (1996), pg 72 |
|
Nov-23 |
Tadgh Barry, 1st Battalion, Cork No. 1 Brigade, IRA and
Alderman who is a prisoner is killed by a sentry in Ballykinlar camp.
(O’Farrell says that it was 15th November and McDermott says it
was before 17th November.) |
O'Kelly in The Kerryman (1955), pg 26; Gallagher (1953), pg 225;
McDermott (2001), pg 124; O’Farrell (1997), pg 102 |
|
Nov-24 |
At a conference of the Irish and British delegations in the House of
Lords, the question of the Irish recognition of the Crown was discussed. The
Irish delegates said that there could be no question of allegiance but they
undertook to prepare a formula outlining the extent to which they would
recognise the Crown. |
Macardle (1999), pg 572 |
|
Nov-25 |
Harbour Constable John McHenry was shot dead on patrol on Milewater
Rd, Belfast. (McHenry was a Catholic.) In the north of the city, a
Catholic shopkeeper James McIvor is shot dead outside his shop in Little
Patrick St. |
Abbott (2000), pg 270; Parkinson
(2004), pg 172; McDermott (2001), pg 129 |
|
Nov-25 |
Violence breaks out in Belfast leading over the next four days to 26
people killed and 94 people injured. Macardle says that the death toll
from violence since 1st July stands at 174. [However, it is likely that
Macardle has got the date wrong for this outbreak of violence and it should
have the 21st November.] |
Macardle (1999), pg 575 |
|
Nov-25 |
The Dáil orders the updating of the electoral register. |
Macardle (1999), pg 565 |
|
Nov-25 |
Collins and Griffith go to Dublin for a meeting of the Dáil Cabinet
and approve the following formula for the recognition of the
Crown: “Ireland shall recognise the British Crown for the purposes of
the Association as the symbol and accepted head of the combination of
Associated States” |
Macardle (1999), pg 572 |
|
Nov-25 |
Meeting between the Dáil Cabinet and IRA GHQ to try to resolve issue
of who had the power to appoint members of GHQ Staff and related issues. See November 16th. However, Eoin O’Duffy took shrill umbrage
at what he seen as being demoted and replaced by Austen Stack as deputy chief
of staff. De Valera (who should have brought a calming chairman’s influence
on proceedings) instead “rose excitedly in his chair … and declared in a
half-scream, half-shout ‘ye may mutiny if ye like, but Ireland will give me
another army’ and dismissed the whole lot of us from his sight”. The key issue was left unresolved.
In effect, the status quo ante
remained but as Townshend says “de Valera’s use of the word ‘mutiny’ was ominous”. Garvin notes that Griffith and Collins were
not present for this meeting. |
Townshend
(2014), pg 330; Garvin (1996), pg 56 |
|
Nov-28 |
Fermanagh and Tyrone County Councils cut all ties with the Belfast
Parliament in favour of the Dáil –see December 1st. |
McCluskey (2014), pg 105 |
|
Nov-28 |
A Memorandum on External Association is presented by the Irish
delegation to the British. That evening at Chequers, Griffith and
Duggan meet Llyod George, Birkenhead and Horne. The British say that
the Irish proposals are impossible. Following discussion, the British
agreed that functions of the Crown in Ireland would be no more than in the
distant Dominions and the Irish were invited to devise the formulation. |
Macardle (1999), pg 573 |
|
Nov-28 |
After British government decision to hand over responsibility for
local government to Northern Ireland Ministry of Home Affairs, Tyrone County
Council pledges its allegiance to Dáil Eireann. Eight smaller public
bodies follow. On same day the NI Minister of Home Affairs, Dawson
Bates, brings in a bill in the NI parliament which allowed him to dissolve
any local authority. Offices
of Tyrone County Council are subsequently raided by the police and their
records seized on the 2nd December. |
Macardle (1999), pg 574; Curran J M (1980), pg 102; Phoenix (1994),
pgs 152-153 |
|
Nov-29 |
At a meeting in Downing St., the British delegation tell Griffith that
they intended to have their final proposals ready within a week and to send
them to the Irish Delegation and Craig on 6th December.
Griffith got a promise that he would have them by the 1st
December. He wrote to de Valera saying that he would come to Dublin on
the 2nd and asked for a cabinet meeting on the 3rd.
(During this time Childers was writing reports for the Irish delegation
analysing the position of the other Dominions especially Canada – he made
unfavourable comparisons with what had already been conceded by the Irish
delegation and this angered Griffith.) |
Macardle (1999), pg 573 |
|
Nov-29 |
After returning from London and talks with Llyod George, Craig says in
Belfast that soon either negotiations will have broken down or Llyod George
will send new proposals for consideration by the cabinet. |
Macardle (1999), pg 574; Curran J M (1980), pg 101 |
|
Nov-29 |
A bomb is thrown into a nationalist area of Belfast, killing Annie
McNamara. |
Parkinson
(2004), pg 173 |
|
Nov-30 |
Speaking to the Mid-Clare Brigade IRA, de Valera said “We are going to
stand on the rock of truth and principle. …. We know the terrorism, we
know the savagery that can be used against us, and we defy it.” He had
spent this week, along with Cathal Brugha, reviewing IRA contingents in
Limerick, Galway and Clare. Preparations were being made in case of a
breakdown in the negotiations. |
Macardle (1999), pg 575 |
|
Nov-30 |
A Protestant, Alexander Reid (48), is shot dead on his way to work on
the Ormeau Rd. in Belfast. |
Parkinson
(2004), pg 173 |
|
Nov-30 |
The Belfast Telegraph reports Craig as blaming Sinn Féin in the
NI Parliament for the recent violence and informed them that 700 ‘A’ Specials
and 5,000 ‘B’ Specials would be enrolled immediately. Around this time,
Wickham, Divisional Commissioner of the RIC in the North, orders his men to
regard the truce as non-existent. |
McDermott (2001), pgs 140-141 |