October 1921
|
Oct-01 |
The Northern
Whig reports Richard Dawson Bates, Minister of Home Affairs in the NI
Government, as saying to a group of Unionists that the responsibility for
security still lay with British officials in Dublin Castle and they “with the
excuse of the Truce, had fettered the hands of the military and police
authorities in Belfast”. There was frustration in Unionist circles
about the delay in handing over responsibility for security to the NI
Government. Parkinson notes “At grassroots level, such frustration with
the absence of strong measures taken against the perpetrators of violent
acts, was difficult to contain.” |
Parkinson (2004), pg 165 |
|
Oct-01 |
The RIC’s
Constabulary Gazette states that “the force is unsettled and discontent rife
for a variety of reasons, chief of which is uncertainty of the future”. |
McCarthy (2015), pg
90 |
|
Oct-02 |
Lieutenant Souchon
of the 17th Lancers shot and killed when in a car driving past a
ceilidh being held in the Town Hall in Galway. Scuffles had broken out between Auxiliaries
and Republican Police and shots were fired.
It is unclear who fired the shots which killed Lieutenant Souchon. |
Henry (2012), pgs
232-234 |
|
Oct-03 |
Belfast City
councillors meet representatives of Catholics thrown out of work since the
July of the previous year. Few of the expelled Catholics or ‘rotten
Prods’ got their jobs back or any alternative employment – many left the
city. The efforts of charity groups such the American Committee for
Relief in Ireland were a great assistance to those thrown into poverty.
By October, the White Cross Society had distributed about £100,000 in weekly
payment to the families of those evicted in the industrial expulsions of the
previous year. |
Parkinson (2004), pg 166 |
|
Oct-04 |
Bomb thrown at
worshippers leaving a Protestant church in Belfast. |
Parkinson (2004), pg 164 |
|
Oct-06 |
British Cabinet
approves its delegation to engage in negotiation with the Irish as follows:
Lloyd George; Winston Churchill (Secretary of State for the Colonies); Lord
Birkenhead (Lord Chancellor); Austen Chamberlain (Leader of the House of
Commons); Sir Hamar Greenwood (Chief Secretary in Ireland), L
Worthington-Evans (Secretary of State of War) and Sir Gorden Hewart (Attorney
General). Secretaries are Lionel Curtis and Tom Jones (Assistant Secretary
to the Cabinet). |
Curran J M (1980),
pg 79 |
|
Oct-07 |
Dáil Cabinet meets
at which de Valera gives delegation cabinet instructions as mentioned
above. Cabinet instructions state that all major decisions and final
text of Treaty have to referred back to Irish cabinet in Dublin. (See
Macardle for text of both the delegation’s credentials and the cabinet
instructions.) However, as cabinet could not limit powers conferred by
Dáil, these instructions were nothing more than suggested guidelines, and in
this sense Griffith accepted them. Cabinet also
discussed ‘Draft Treaty A’ – this is a confidential document in (very much)
outline form with many articles still to be written. The key item is
that Ireland agrees to become an “external associate of the states of the
British Commonwealth” in return for recognition of Ireland as a sovereign
state (and implicitly unified). The text of ‘Draft Treaty A’ is given
as Appendix 16 in Macardle. A clause concerning the Six Counties was to
be forwarded to the delegation in London. Macardle notes that Barton
was vague about external association meant “The definition of the term was
vague and even the Delegates had a hazy conception of what would be its final
form”. |
Macardle (1999),
pgs 528-530 |
|
Oct-09 |
Irish delegation
arrives in London to huge crowds at Euston station. They take up
residence in Cadogan Gardens and 22 Hans Place. |
Macardle (1999),
pgs531 |
|
Oct-09 |
In his situation
report, GOC of the British Army in Ireland (General Neville Macready) said
that “advantage had been taken of the truce to convert the IRA, which was
three months ago little more than a disorganised rabble, into a
well-disciplined, well-organised and well-armed force”. |
McCarthy (2015), pg 91 |
|
Oct-10 |
John Buchanan, who
is the Master of an Orange Lodge, is shot dead near Derry City. |
Ozseker (2019), pg
159 |
|
Oct-10 |
De Valera issues a
proclamation saying that “it is the duty of all Irishmen to stand together
for Ireland now” |
Gallagher (1953),
pgs 322-323 |
|
Oct-11 |
1st meeting of
Conference starts at 11.00am on Tuesday 11th October. In the next almost two months, there would
be seven plenary sessions; 24 sub-conferences and 9 meetings of special
committees. (In addition, there were nine informal interviews between
Tom Jones and Arthur Griffith – sometimes accompanied by Collins or Duggan) At first two
plenary meetings (both on 11th October), subcommittees set up on defence,
financial relations and observation of the truce. Also discussion of
the July 20th proposals. More Detail |
Curran J M (1980),
pgs 81-82; Macardle (1999), pg 532 |
|
Oct-11 |
Eamon Corbett (see
end of September) returns to Mayo and stays in Straide which is in the North
Mayo Brigade area. Men from the East
Mayo Brigade surround the house in which he is staying. The O/C of the North Mayo Brigade orders
the East Mayo men out of his area.
Commandant Reynolds, from Galway arrives with his Intelligence
Officer, P. Fahy, and they rescue Corbett but when they are waiting at the
railway station in Kiltimagh, shooting breaks out in which a civilian is
badly injured. Subsequently, the entire
IRA Kiltimagh Company is suspended. |
Price (2012), pg
183 |
|
Oct-12 |
At a meeting of the
Truce observation committee an agreement drawn up on disputed items and
agreed that 72 hours had to be given on any termination of the
Truce. The members of the committee were Collins, Barton, Duggan
and Art O’Brien (on the Irish side) and Worthington Evans, Greenwood,
Anderson, Cope, Macready and Tudor (on the British side). |
Macardle (1999),
pgs 540 |
|
Oct-13 |
3rd plenary session of British and Irish delegations: Started on
arguments about truce violations but mostly spent on fiscal and industrial
matters. Curran says that “Sinn Féin’s strategy was to show a genuine
desire for agreement and dispose of as many troublesome details as possible
before arguing basic principles”. The two biggest issues were Crown and
Ulster. However, the Irish side still did not have the clauses omitted
from ‘Draft Treaty A’ on Ulster and Griffith wrote to de Valera on this day
saying that “unless we can get in our Treaty proposals by Monday [October 17]
… we must fight them on ground of their own choosing” |
Curran J M (1980),
pgs 82-83; Macardle (1999), pgs 532-533 |
|
Oct-13 |
RIC Constable Henry Morgan commits suicide. |
Abbott (2019), pg 410 |
|
Oct-14 |
4th plenary session; mostly on Ulster - a boundary commission and
local opts-out were discussed but Griffith was playing for time as he did not
yet have de Valera’s proposal on Ulster. (However, Griffith did write
to de Valera later in the day saying that the British were “remarkably
ignorant of the facts – this is not play-acting though they tried this
also. Their knowledge geographically and statistically of the province
is very poor.”) The conference ended with Chamberlain pointing out the
political risks the conference entailed for the British delegates. In a
letter to de Valera, Griffith did acknowledge that, while they did exaggerate
them, these risks were real because of the ‘Morning Post’ party. On same day, de
Valera wrote to Griffith with Cabinet's proposal on Ulster. Basically,
it put forward an opt-out based on existing constituencies to Northern
Ireland Parliament but with the over-riding powers reserved to Westminster in
the Government of Ireland Act being transferred to Dublin. Full text of
clause in this proposal regarding government of ‘North-East Ulster’ given in
pages 543-544 of Macardle. |
Curran J M (1980),
pg 83-84 & 308; Macardle (1999), pgs 543-544 |
|
Oct-17 |
5th plenary session: This session was again mostly on Ulster.
Griffith argued on the basis of carefully prepared maps and statistics for
five of Ulster’s nine counties should be governed from Dublin. However,
Griffith did not put forward the Dáil Cabinet proposal but asked Britain
stand aside while Sinn Féin made the unionists a fair offer. If
agreement was not reached then the Six Counties must
be allowed to decide on its future by local option. Significantly, none
of the Irish delegates insisted on the hard-core Unionist areas being brought
into the Irish state against their will. However, the British countered
that local option was impractical and offered exclusion on a nine-county
(i.e. all of Ulster) basis. There was no agreement. |
Curran J M (1980),
pg 85; Phoenix (1994), pgs 150-151 |
|
Oct-17 |
After a report sent
to GHQ by Capt T. Burke on this date, the 3rd Western Division of
the IRA was set up comprising five brigades:
North and South Sligo, North Leitrim, North Roscommon and East
Mayo. Liam Pilkington is appointed
Divisional O/C; Frank Carty is appointed O/C South Sligo Brigade and Seamus
Devins is appointed O/C North Sligo Brigade.
Brian MacNeill (son of Eoin MacNeill) is also appointed to the
divisional staff. |
Farry (2012), pg 84 |
|
Oct-19 |
At only meeting of
the finance committee, they agreed to exchange memoranda on the 22nd.
The British side calculated Southern Ireland’s liability for debt and pension
charges at £153 million sterling. Collins countered that on the basis
of past over taxation since the Union and retardation of Ireland’s
development, the charge should be about £3 billion sterling on Britian. |
Curran J M (1980),
pg 308 |
|
Oct-19 |
Pope Benedict XV
sends a telegram to the UK’s King George V rejoicing at the resumption of
Anglo-Irish negotiations. King George, in his reply, says that a
settlement “may initiate a new era of peace and happiness for my people” |
Macardle (1999),
pgs 535-536; Curran J M (1980), pg 86; Gallagher (1953), pg 326 |
|
Oct-20 |
The Governor of
Wormwood Scrubs prison writes a memo of compliant about Michael Collins’s
visit to the prison the previous day along with two companions to see Irish
prisoners (N. Kerr, R. Stack and L. Breen).
According to the Governor, he was drunk and truculent. The Governor also said that he boasted
“about all the loyal people he has shot”. |
Dolan and Murphy
(2018), pgs 98-99 |
|
Oct-20 |
De Valera writes to
Pope Benedict saying that the ambiguities in the letter from King George may
not mislead him “into believing that the troubles are ‘in’ Ireland, or that
the people of Ireland own allegiance to the British King”. Rather the
troubles had sprung from Britain’s attempt to impose its will on a people who
had declared their independence. British newspapers branded de Valera’s
action as irresponsible. |
Macardle (1999), pg
536; Curran J M (1980), pg 86; Gallagher (1953), pg 327 |
|
Oct-21 |
6th plenary session: This session was mostly on defence -
Collins put forward a paper arguing for neutrality but Churchill said that
Britain could not be sure that Ireland would remain neutral and that, even if
it did, it would pose great problems for Britain in wartime. Collins
said that a friendly and neutral Ireland would be better than a hostile
one. Chamberlain said that neutrality would put it outside the Empire
but Collins contended that the British Empire was developing into a nation of
free and independent states without centralised control. Lloyd George
admitted this but said that Britain could still not be sure of Irish neutrality.
He said that in the future Ireland might move towards full Dominion status
but that he would consider it irresponsible for it Britain to give Ireland
the neutrality option at this stage. There was also heated discussion
on breaches to the Truce (in particular the discovery of a bomb factory in
Cardiff and guns in Hamburg destined for Ireland – see October 28th
on the latter) and de Valera's letter to the Pope where he stated that the
Irish people owed no allegiance to Britain's king. It was agreed that the
Irish side would present its proposals on Crown, Empire and defence on the 24th.
|
Curran J M (1980),
pg 87; McCarthy (2015), pg 93 |
|
Oct-21 |
The Derry Journal says that forty poitín
stills had been discovered in the previous fortnight by the IRA in the Inishowen
Penninsula in Co. Donegal. This was
part of the IRA’s drive against poitín making. |
Ó Duibhir (2011), pg 31 |
|
Oct-24 |
7th plenary session: Irish delegation present Draft Treaty A -
according to this "Ireland would adhere for all purposes of agreed common
concern to the British Commonwealth" On inquiries from Llyod
George, Griffith said that Ireland would not be members of the Empire but
would be represented in the Imperial Conference and would accept its decision
in matters of common concern (an agreed list of which would be included in
the treaty). There would also seem to be agreement that Britain would
occupy a number of ports (making the Irish insistence on neutrality somewhat
tenuous). The British felt that substantial progress had been made.
Full text of Draft Treaty A given as Appendix 17 in Macardle. At a
sub-conference later the same day (with only Llyod George, Chamberlain,
Griffith and Collins present), the British side pressed that peace was
impossible unless Ireland accepted the Crown. Griffith said he would
recommend "some form of association with the Crown" if all else was
settled satisfactorily (including British agreement to essential unity on
Ulster). The success of the sub-conference led the British to
adopt this way of working for the rest of the negotiations. |
Curran J M (1980),
pgs 88-90 |
|
Oct-25 |
When de Valera
found out that Griffith had offered some form of association to the Crown, he
writes to Griffith saying that "there can be no question of asking the
Irish people to enter an arrangement which would make them subject to the
Crown or demand from them allegiance to the British King. If war is the
alternative, we can only face it." |
Curran J M (1980),
pg 90 |
|
Oct-25 |
Meeting between de
Valera (along with his cabinet) and IRA GHQ staff at which it was agreed to
re-administer an Oath of Allegiance (see August 20, 1919) to IRA men.
However, this was not done. In addition, a move was made at this time
to issue new commissions to all IRA officers but this got bogged down in appropriate
titles. Comment See November 16th
|
O’Donoghue (1954),
pg 199; Curran J M (1980), pg 96; Macardle (1999), pg 549 |
|
Oct-25 |
Collins and
Griffith meet Chamberlain and Hewart and discuss Ulster. The Irish
suggest opt out on the basis of the 1918 parliamentary constituencies with
those constituencies who voted for exclusion keeping the powers conferred the
Government of Ireland Act but under the authority of the national Irish
parliament. The British side rejected this but put forward,
tentatively, the six counties are left intact with the powers conferred the
Government of Ireland Act and under the authority of the national Irish
parliament. Griffith refuses (but privately with Collins thought it
might form the basis of an agreement). Griffith states again that any
association with the Crown was contingent on Ulster’s agreement to essential
unity. |
Curran J M (1980),
pgs 92-93 |
|
Oct-26 |
Reacting strongly
to de Valera’s letter of the previous day, the full Irish delegation writes
to de Valera saying that his letter was inconsistent with their powers and
limited their freedom of discussion. More specifically they stated that
"Obviously any form of association necessitates discussion of
recognition in one form or other of the head of that association."
Collins wanted to resign raging that the Dáil cabinet wanted him to do its
dirty work. Comment |
Curran J M (1980),
pg 91 |
|
Oct-27 |
De Valera writes
back saying that there had been a misunderstanding; that he was only keeping
them informed as to Cabinet views as Cabinet would have to decide on policy
when the delegation returned to Dublin. The delegation seems to have accepted
this curtailment of their plenipotentiary powers as Griffith wrote back to de
Valera the same day expressing his gratitude.
(Also, slightly odd that de Valera was saying that he was keeping the delegation
informed of the Cabinet’s views given that three of the seven members of the
Cabinet were in the Treaty Delegation.) |
Curran J M (1980),
pg 91 |
|
Oct-27 |
British send Irish
delegation a memorandum asking, inter alia, if the Irish would
maintain allegiance to the Crown and acknowledge the common citizenship and
full partnership in the Empire it entailed? They also asked about defence
facilities and free trade. Curran says that “a republic associated with
the Empire, or even inside it, was just not practical politics in the 1920s” |
Curran J M (1980),
pg 94 |
|
Oct-27 |
Sinn Féin Ard Fheis
on 27th and 28th. De Valera re-elected President.
In his speech, talking about the on-going negotiations, de Valera said “One
question, the allegiance question, is closed from our point of view.
The question of some form of association with the States of the British
Empire is open. There is no reason why this nation should not associate
itself with other nations provided that association was one that a self-respecting
nation might enter.” In the same speech, referring to the possible
outcomes of the negotiations “I am anxious that you should realise the
difficulties that are in the way, and the fact that the best people might
legitimately differ on such a scheme. The worst thing that could happen
would be that we should not be tolerant of honest differences of opinion.” |
Macardle (1999), pg
548; Gallagher (1953), pgs 328-329 |
|
Oct-28 |
Robert Briscoe, who
had been sent by Michael Collins to Germany in late 1920 to purchase arms,
had bought a small tug called the Frieda
and, on this date, it left the port of Hamburg with 300 guns and 80,000
rounds of ammunition on board under the command of Charlie McGuinness from
Derry City (and a German crew who spoke no English). Its destination was Helvick Head in Co.
Waterford. Briscoe sent a pre-arranged telegram to Liam Mellows, the IRA’s
Director of Purchases who alerted Pax Whelan, O/C Waterford Brigade, who put
a watch on Helvick Head for the approach of the Frieda. Mellows came from Dublin to join the watch
but, after a week, with no sign of the Frieda,
they concluded that it must have sunk.
See 10th November. |
McCarthy (2015), pg 93 |
|
Oct-29 |
Before sending
their reply to the British memorandum of the 27th, Collins and
Griffith meet with Llyod George and Birkenhead and Griffith understood that
the British said that if Sinn Féin would accept the Crown then they would
send for Craig and “force Ulster in”. The Irish delegation send a
memorandum saying that they would recommend that “the elected Government of a
free and undivided Ireland, secured in the absolute and unfettered possession
of all legislative and executive authority, should, for the purposes of the
association, recognise the Crown as symbol and accepted head of the combination
of signatory states". (Macardle says that the latter formulation
was drawn up by John Chartres.) British disappointed with Irish
memorandum. Ultra-Unionists in Westminster had just proposed a
resolution condemning the negotiations. |
Curran J M (1980),
pg 90 & 94; Macardle (1999), pg 547 |
|
Oct-30 |
Griffith and
Collins meet with Lloyd George, Birkenhead and Churchill. In a private
meeting between the two of them, Griffith promises Lloyd George a personal
letter of assurance on the issues of Crown and Ulster (i.e. he would
recommend recognition of the Crown if he was satisfied on other matters) for
his use against conservative opponents in the House of Commons.
Griffith reported to de Valera saying that with these personal assurance that
Llyod George “would fight on the Ulster matter to secure essential unity”. |
Curran J M (1980),
pg 95; Macardle (1999), pgs 553-554 |
|
Oct-31 |
Ultra-Conservative
motion of censure defeated in House of Commons by 439 to 43 (with Labour and
Liberal opposition supporting Government). Llyod George argued that the
only alternative to talks was the imposition of terms on Ireland and
suppression of dissent – before they could get the support of the British
people for this they must be sure that they cannot be a settlement via talks.
However, according to Macardle, Llyod George also promised Unionists that he
would immediately take steps to have the powers conferred on the Northern
parliament by the Government of Ireland Act transferred to it. Comment |
Curran J M (1980),
pg 95-; Macardle (1999), pg 554 |
|
Oct-31 |
W. Coen from
Ballinrobe, Co. Mayo dies. |
O’Farrell (1997), pg 104 |
|
Oct-31 |
Four Cumman na mBan
members escape from Mountjoy Jail.
They were Eithne Coyle, May Burke, Aileen Keogh and Linda Kearns. (One of the people aiding the escape is Dr
St John Gogarty.) |
Ó Duibhir (2011), pgs 33-36 |
|
Oct |
A sheriff’s
officer, Bernard Mailey, is killed in Raphoe, Co. Donegal. |
Ozseker (2019), pg
186 |
|
Oct |
Belfast Brigade had
gone from 998 pre-Truce to 1,506 by October – in addition they were bringing
in considerable number of arms and, by May 1922, had brought in 600 rifles
and 5 Thomson machine guns. |
McDermott (2001), pg 106 |