December
1921
|
Dec-01-21/1 |
The British send the Irish delegation
‘Proposed Articles of Agreement’ (according to Curran, it actually arrived
ahead of schedule on the evening of November 30th). Collins and Griffith go to Downing St, they presented an altered oath but this was rejected. However, they discussed other amendments until late at night with careful consideration on a number of clauses. A revised document was delivered to the Irish HQ at about 1.30am on December 2nd. The Irish Times later reported on this meeting saying “Between 6.30 and midnight the tension was at its highest and it constitutes the most strenuous period of any during the negotiations”. Barton leaves for Dublin
|
Macardle (1999), pg 576; Curran J M (1980), pg 116; Kenny (2021), pgs 83-84 |
|
Dec-01-21/2 |
In a memo to the British Secretary of State for War, Macready warned that if the truce was not more strictly observed then British forces would either take action on their own against the IRA or else become completely demoralised. |
Curran J M (1980), pg 137 |
|
Dec-01-21/3 |
The NI cabinet in Belfast decides to disband
the ‘recalcitrant’ county council in Tyrone. The Offices of Tyrone County
Council are raided by the RIC and their records seized on December 2nd. See also Dec-15-21/3. |
McCluskey (2014), pg
105 |
|
Dec-02-21/1 |
Griffith leaves for Dublin in the morning with
a copy of the revised terms. He meets de Valera at 11.00pm in Dublin
and the two argue late into the night – Griffith says he would accept the
terms but de Valera says he would not. At 8.45pm, as Collins, Gavan Duffy and
Childers leave London for Dublin, Thomas Jones hands them the latest
amendments to the British proposals. The ship carrying the three men (Cambria) left Holyhead at 3.12am on December 3rd. Shortly after it left port it rammed and cut in two a schooner (James Tyrell) from Arklow. Three of the schooner’s crew lost their lives in this accident. After rescuing people from the schooner, the Cambria returned to Holyhead. The passengers were transferred to the Hibernia which left Holyhead at 7.50am and arrived at 10.31am. The Irish cabinet meeting was due to begin at 11.00am. |
Macardle (1999), pg 576; Curran J M (1980), pgs 116-117 |
|
Dec-02-21/2 |
During an escape attempt by prisoners held in
Derry jail, an RIC man (Constable Michael Gorman) and a Special Constable
(S/Constable William Lyttle) are killed as the prisoners used too much
chloroform when trying to silence them. The escape attempt is
foiled. Three men – two prisoners (Thomas McShea and Patrick Johnson from the IRA’s Donegal No. 4 Brigade) and a warder who aided the prisoners (Patrick Leonard) are subsequently sentenced to death on January 12th 1922. These sentences were to have serious repercussions. See Jan-12-22/6. |
Abbott (2000), pgs 270-271; Gallagher (2003), pg 38; McDermott (2001), pg 142; Grant (2018), pgs 122-123; Lawlor (2011), pgs 195-196; Ó Duibhir (2011), pgs 42-44; O’Halpin and Ó Corráin (2020), pg 539 |
|
Dec-02-21/3 |
Winter, deputy chief of police in Ireland,
produces an alarmist report on the IRA’s intended plan of campaign (if
negotiations broke down). He said that it would involve the destruction
of communications and transport links, concerted attacks on small RIC
barracks and the kidnapping of leading loyal citizens. The latter were to be held as hostages “so
that for every I.R.A. shot two loyalists will be shot”. He also said that “when the majority of
people in small towns are loyal, gas will be used, which is being …
manufactured in laboratories owned by the Christian Brothers and other like
institutions”. In the following days, he warned of an
imminent attack on NI by the IRA. He
reported that “A reliable informant states that fifteen thousand I.R.A. men
are now ready and equipped to tackle the North at a moment’s notice, the same
number of men – as a reinforcement – will be ready in a few days’ time”. |
Winter (2008), pg 61 |
|
Dec-03-21/1 |
Dáil
Cabinet Meeting Dáil Cabinet meets at 11.00am – as the boat
bringing Collins, Gavan Duffy and Childers to Dublin had a collision, they
arrive just as the meeting is due to start. Members of the delegation who were not cabinet
ministers were present at the morning session (along with Kevin O’Higgins and
Erskine Childers) but afterwards the cabinet met alone. |
Macardle (1999), pg 580; Curran J M (1980), pg 117-119; Townshend (2014), pgs 347-348 |
|
Dec-03-21/2 |
Large parade of IRA men (some 2,000) in Kilreekil, Co. Galway inspected by Richard Mulcahy and
Michael Brennan. |
Sheehan (2009), pg
111 |
|
Dec-04-21/1 |
Barton, Gavan Duffy and Childers, back in
London, work on amendments to the Proposed Articles of Association. Griffith, Collins and Duggan were not keen on
making amendments but, after some discussion, they did agree to some
changes. A key change was changing the word Association to Associated
States in the Oath as, without this (they said), the Oath could be
interpreted as the accepting the King as head of the Irish state. The
amendments are given as Appendix 20 in Macardle
(1999). They Irish side made no suggested changes to
the clauses on Ulster (as the Irish delegates had no specific instructions to
do so). Therefore, when they met later, the British assumed that, since there
were no suggested changes, the Irish side were satisfied with these clauses. After the amendments were made, Collins and
Duggan refused to go to Downing St so Griffith, Barton and Gavan Duffy went
to push them on the British. This was to turn into a dramatic meeting. |
Macardle (1999), pgs 581-583; Curran J M (1980), pgs 120-122; Fanning (2013), pgs 305-306; Matthews (2004), pg 54; Kenny (2021), pgs 76-77 & 92 |
|
Dec-04-21/2 |
Large parades of IRA men held in Gort, Co.
Galway and in Galway City (800 and 2,500 men respectively) and inspected by
de Valera. |
Sheehan (2009), pg
110 |
|
Dec-05-21/1 |
A codeword is issued to the BA in Ireland to
prepare of an imminent resumption of hostilities. |
McMahon (2008), pg
63 |
|
Dec-05-21/2 |
Llyod
George and Collins Meet Llyod George meets Collins at 9.30am. At
this meeting Llyod George would seem to have convinced Collins that the
Boundary Commission would provide for the essential unity of Ireland. At the end of this meeting, Llyod George asked
to meet the Irish delegation in the afternoon. Collins would not commit but agreed to let
“the appointment stand tentatively”. The Irish side decide to send a delegation and they meet that afternoon for the most critical meeting in the negotiations - Dec-05-21/3. |
Macardle (1999), pgs 583-589; Curran J M (1980), pgs 123-131; Fanning (2013), pgs 307-317; Matthews (2004), pgs 55-57; Kenny (2021), pgs 17-19 and 96-98 |
|
Dec-05-21/3 |
The Critical 3pm Meeting of December 5th At 3.00pm, an Irish delegation of Griffith,
Collins and Barton meet a British delegation of Llyod George, Chamberlain,
Birkenhead and (for part of the time) Churchill in Downing St. This was
an historical meeting and has had much written about it. Llyod George presented the Irish delegation
with an ultimatum to either sign the Treaty or negotiations would come to an
end. He said that if they refused to
sign then the delegates would have to take responsibility for the war that
would follow. |
Macardle
(1999), pgs 583-589; Curran J M (1980), pgs 123-131; Fanning (2013), pgs
307-317; Matthews (2004), pgs 55-57; Kenny (2021), pgs 17-19 and 96-98; Pakenham (1967), pg
229-242; Friedman (2021), pgs 221-225 |
|
Dec-05-21/4 |
Hans
Place Meeting of Irish Delegation At the end of the 3.00pm meeting with the
British delegation, Collins asked for some time and the Irish delegation
retired to 22 Hans Place at 7.15pm where they received the final draft of the
Treaty at 9.00pm. (The Treaty is given as Appendix 21 in Macardle). Griffith had agreed to sign. The other four
members of the Irish delegation agreed to sign with increasing degrees of
reluctance in, it would seem, this order: Collins, Duggan, Barton and Gavan
Duffy. Collins told his fellow delegates that he would sign on the way
back to Hans Place. On the following day, Barton wrote a note for
de Valera (at Griffith’s request) in which he said “There was a discussion
amongst ourselves lasting from 9 [pm] to 11.15 [pm] at 22 Hans Place, at
which a decision was eventually reached to recommend the Treaty to the
Dáil. At 11.30 [pm] we returned to
Downing Street and attacked the document again.” See Dec-21-21/1 for Gavan Duffy’s account of
account of what transpired after Griffith, Barton and Collins returned to
Hans Place. It was after mid-night when they Irish delegation went to Downing St. Griffith informed the British side that they were willing to sign but that there were a few points of detail. They concentrated on these and the signing took place at 2.10am on December 6th. |
Macardle
(1999), pgs 583-589; Curran J M (1980), pgs 123-131; Fanning (2013), pgs
307-317; Matthews (2004), pgs 55-57; Kenny (2021), pgs 17-19 and 96-98 and 105-106 |
|
Dec-06-21/1 |
Treaty signed at 2.10am |
O'Farrell P (1997), pg xviii |
|
Dec-06-21/2 |
Collins writes to Kitty Kieran saying that he
did not get to bed until five o’clock that morning. He added “I don’t know how things will go
now but with God’s help we have brought peace of this land of ours – a peace
which will end this old strife of ours forever.” |
Kenny (2021), pg 107 |
|
Dec-06-21/2 |
The British Cabinet meets and approves the
Treaty unanimously. According to the minutes, they “generally
agree” that “the rough treatment to which the Irish extremists had been
subjected during the past twelve months … had brought home to the men in the
field the need for some equitable compromise” (UK National Archives, CAB
23/27/17). After this meeting, Jones wrote in his diary
that “it had been represented [at the meeting] that a Boundary Commission
would possibly give Ulster more than she would lose”. The next day, the British Cabinet approves the
release of 4,000 internees – See Dec-07-21/3. |
Curran J M (1980), pg 138; Kenny (2021), pgs 77 & 108 |
|
Dec-06-21/3 |
De Valera is annoyed when he hears that the
Treaty had been signed without his final consent. However, later in the day, he dons academic
robes and in his capacity as Chancellor of the National University of Ireland
chaired an event to mark the anniversary of the death of Dante Alighieri in
1321. |
Kenny (2021), pg 109 |
|
Dec-06-21/4 |
Griffith meets with representatives of the Southern
unionists and gives them undertakings that their interests will be
safeguarded in the new Irish Free State. |
Macardle (1999), pgs 592-593 |
|
Dec-06-21/5 |
Wilson writes in his diary “The Agreement is
complete surrender 1. A farcical oath of allegiance 2. Withdrawal of our
troops 3. A Rebel Army … The British Empire is doomed”. |
McMahon (2008), pg
69 |
|
Dec-07-21/1 |
Meeting takes place in Mansion House of large
delegation of northern nationalists and Sinn Féiners
with Dáil ministers. (Eoin MacNeill,
as TD for Derry, is in the chair). The delegation seeking clarification of the
Treaty. MacNeill puts forward a policy of non-recognition of the
Northern Ireland government including a number of concrete steps with regard
to local government, education, etc. The Mayor of Derry, Hugh O’Doherty said that
the Treaty amounted to the abandonment of northern nationalists. He says “If
… Belfast contracts out you are handling over manacled the lives and
liberties of the Catholics”. However,
Tyrone and Fermanagh delegates seem to believe that the Boundary Commission
would deliver them to the Free State. The delegation meets with de Valera the
next day before the cabinet met. The Northern Whig reports that there were celebrations in nationalist areas of Belfast. |
Phoenix (1994), pgs 156-157; Parkinson (2004), pg 173; McDermott (2001), pg 141; Grant (2018), |
|
Dec-07-21/2 |
The Treaty is received favourably by most of
the British press. “Towards Irish Peace” says The Times; “The New Peace” says the Manchester Guardian; “Real Hope” says the Daily Herald. The Irish News in Belfast says that “Ireland as a whole has welcomed the Agreement with a spirit of hope and goodwill”. There is a different reaction in unionist press. For example, the Tyrone Constitution said that “Ulster has been betrayed” by that “Judas Iscariot” Llyod George. They also referred to Birkenhead as “the most despicable of them all”. On December 17th, the Belfast Newsletter described the Treaty as a “betrayal of Ulster”. However, the reaction of the unionist press towards the Treaty starts to change when it becomes obvious that it has created major divisions among its nationalist opponents – see, for example, Jan-23-22/2. |
Matthews (2004), pgs 6 and 57-58; Parkinson (2020), pgs 137 & 141 |
|
Dec-07-21/3 |
The British cabinet meets to discuss that
release of prisoners and internees, a key demand of the Irish
negotiators. They agree to the release of all internees
(almost 4,000) as “it would be more difficult for the Irish Parliament to
reject the Articles of Agreement if the internees had been released as an act
of clemency immediately after the signing of the agreement”. Also, each prisoner’s case was to be
reviewed by a judicial tribunal. In his report to the cabinet, Greenwood says
that “the treaty of Peace will be accepted by the Irish people throughout the
world as a lasting settlement”. |
Ó Duibhir (2011), pgs 44-45; McMahon (2008), pg 71 |
|
Dec-08-21/1 |
The Dáil Cabinet meets. There is a heated discussion. Four members of the cabinet are for Treaty
(Griffith, Collins, Barton and Cosgrave) and three are against (De Valera, Brugha and Stack). The Cabinet summons the Dáil to meet on December 14th. (The Dáil was debate the Treaty between December 14th and January 7th.) The Cabinet also empowers de Valera to issue a public statement in which says that he "Could not recommend the acceptance of this Treaty either to Dáil Eireann or the country". He adds “The greatest test of our people has come. Let us face it worthily, without bitterness and, above all, without recriminations. There is a definite constitutional way of resolving our political differences – let us not depart from it”. According to Childers, de Valera told the cabinet members who signed that the Treaty that, had he been in London on December 5th/6th, he would have told Llyod George to “go to the devil, I will not sign”. (Kenny comments “Instead, absent on the night of 5-6 December 1921, he might merely criticise the actions of others”.) |
O’Donoghue (1986), pg 196; Curran J M (1980), pg 142; Kenny (2021), pg 37 |
|
Dec-08-21/2 |
Michael Crudden, on his way home from a
Catholic service, is shot by a lone loyalist gunman in the Marrowbone area of
Belfast. (According to O’Halpin and Ó Corráin, Crudden was shot on December 13th and died on the 14th. In his 2020 book, Parkinson says shot on December 11th.) |
Parkinson (2004), pg 173; McDermott (2001), pg 144; O’Halpin and Ó Corráin (2020), pgs 540-542 |
|
Dec-09-21/1 |
Craig goes to London to discuss the Treaty
with Llyod George. Different accounts
have emerged of what transpired at the meeting. Llyod George said afterwards that Craig was
ready to consider Sinn Féin proposals for an All-Ireland Parliament. However, according to his wife, Craig insisted
that he would give up no part of Northern Ireland and that he demanded that
the Treaty’s financial arrangements (vis a vis Northern Ireland?) should be
“drastically amended”. She also
claimed that Llyod George claimed that “mere rectifications” were envisaged
by the Boundary Commission and that there would be give and take on both
sides. |
Matthews (2004), pg 58 |
|
Dec-09-21/2 |
Michael Byrne, 5th Battalion, Kilkenny Brigade, IRA is demonstrating bomb throwing at his home in Kiltown, The Rower while a bomb explodes prematurely. Byrne dies of his injuries the following day. |
Walsh (2018), pg 142; O’Halpin and Ó Corráin (2020), pg 540 |
|
Dec-09-21/3 |
The IRA internees start to be released –
including 1,700 from Ballykinlar. They
are frequently given rapturous receptions. Nearly 4,000 internees released
over the coming days. Convicted prisoners started to be released on January 13th 1922 after the ratification of the Treaty by the Dáil – see Jan-13-22/3. |
O'Farrell P (1997), pg xviii; Abbott (2000), pg 274; McDermott (2001), pg 143; Walsh (2018), pgs 143-145; Sheehan (2009), pg 107 |
|
Dec-09-21/4 |
In Thurles, Co. Tipperary, a grenade is thrown into a railway carriage carrying home released internees. A number are injured and one, Declan Hurton from Ardmore, latter dies of his injuries on December 16th. See Dec-14-21/4. |
McCarthy (2015), pgs 96-97; O’Halpin and Ó Corráin (2020), pg 541 |
|
cDec-09-21/5 |
At a joint meeting of both houses of the
Northern Ireland parliament (along with Ulster Unionist MPs in Westminster)
it was decided that “on no consideration would Ulster go into a Free State”. |
Fanning (2013), pg
316 |
|
Dec-09-21/6 |
IRA man, Charles Emerson, of the Monaghan
Brigade had been imprisoned for long periods during which he went on hunger
strike from which “He never fully recovered”.
He had gone to Clifden in Co. Galway for recuperation but died there. |
O’Halpin
and Ó Corráin (2020), pg
540 |
|
Dec-10-21/1 |
Meeting
of the Supreme Council of the IRB The Supreme Council of the IRB meets and
issues a statement saying the "present Peace Treaty between Ireland and
Great Britain should be signed" but goes onto say that members "who
have to take public action as representatives are given freedom of action in
this matter." (Statement is issued to centres on December 12th.) |
O’Donoghue (1986), pg 190; Hopkinson (1988), pg 44; Curran J M (1980), pg 316; Townshend (2014), pgs 367-369 |
|
Dec-10-21/2 |
1st Southern Division, IRA declares against the Treaty saying “The Treaty as it is drafted is not acceptable to us” – shortly afterwards, they inform Dáil deputies from Cork that voting for the Treaty would be considered treason against the Republic. |
Hopkinson (1988), pg 42; Curran J M (1980), pg 145; Townshend (2014), pg 350 |
|
Dec-10-21/3 |
Regimental Sgt Major, T. R. Moss, of the BA’s 15th Hussars commits suicide in Marlborough Barracks in Dublin. |
O’Halpin and Ó Corráin (2020), pg 540 |
|
Dec-10-21/4 |
Nationalist areas in Belfast come under
sustained attacks from loyalist gunmen. Bernard Shanley, who may have been an IRA man, was found shot on the Ormeau Rd. (McDermott says December 16th and that the killing took place on Bankmore St. O’Halpin and Ó Corráin say that he was found wounded on December 15th on Charlotte St. and died the following day.) |
Parkinson (2004), pg 174; McDermott (2001), pg 144 & 152; O’Halpin and Ó Corráin (2020), pg 541 |
|
Dec-10-21/1 |
Writing a private letter, Cardinal Logue says
there was not “a man alive who ever expected that such favourable terms could
be squeezed out of the British government in our time”. |
Townshend (2014), pg 358 |
|
Dec-12-21/1 |
Two RIC men were attacked on the Castle Green,
Ballybunion, Co. Limerick resulting in the death of
one (Sgt John Maher) and the serious wounding of the other (Constable
Gallagher). This was a reprisal for the killing of Edward
(or Edmund) Carmody on November 22nd 1920 (see Nov-22-20/4). |
Abbott (2000), pg 271; O’Halpin and Ó Corráin (2020), pg 540 |
|
Dec-12-21/2 |
After control of security was handed to the NI
Government (see Nov-22-21/2), the Ulster Special Constabulary was
re-introduced in Belfast and re-mobilised through-out NI. An issue arose as to who would pay for the
Specials as, within the terms of the 1920 Government of Ireland Act, NI was
not entitled to additional funding over and above other areas of the United
Kingdom. On Llyod George’s suggestion, this issue was
dealt with by temporarily classifying the Specials as a military force (and
therefore they were paid from the imperial purse). On this day, Otto Niemeyer, the financial
controller of the UK’s Treasury department, writes in a memo that this arrangement
was probably illegal and was not “within the four corners of the 1920 Act”
nor the Treaty. See Dec-15-21/4. |
Matthews (2004), pg
72 |
|
cDec-12-21/3 |
At Griffith’s instigation, de Valera meets the
IRA GHQ staff. GHQ staff express pessimism about the outcome if hostilities are resumed but they agree to carry on their work whatever the Dáil decided. De Valera assured them that if the Treaty was approved by the Dáil, he would not tolerate mutiny in the army. |
Curran J M (1980), pg 144 |
|
Dec-13-21/1 |
Roman Catholic bishops meet. A majority support the Treaty but the
minority ensure that the public statement is neutral. However, see Dec-14-21/2. |
Townshend (2014), pg 358 |
|
Dec-13-21/2 |
In a letter, Llyod George offers assurances to Griffith on matters such as arbitration of Ireland’s financial liability, membership of the League of Nations and the drafting of the Free State Constitution. He also promised that the beginning of British troop evacuation would start as soon as the Treaty was ratified. Full text of Llyod George’s letter is given here: https://www.oireachtas.ie/en/debates/debate/dail/1922-01-10/22/ |
Curran J M (1980), pg 143 |
|
Dec-13-21/3 |
Writing to Bonar Law, Craig states that “There
is nothing in the terms of the Treaty to show that the Boundary Commission must
necessarily limit its functioning” to “little adjustments”. Also, possibly on this date, Craig states that Northern Ireland would oppose any boundary revision that threatened it with substantial loss of territory. |
Matthews (2004), pg 59; Curran J M (1980), pg 138 |
|
Dec-14-21/1 |
British
Parliament starts to Debate the Treaty British parliament begins to debate the
Treaty. Llyod George says that his government never sought to coerce
Ulster but that did not “preclude us from endeavouring to persuade Ulster to
come into an All-Ireland Parliament”. He said that a ‘re-adjustment of boundaries’
was all that was envisaged in Article 12 of the Treaty but that there was “no
doubt … that the majority of people of two counties prefer being with their
Southern neighbours to being in the Northern Parliament”. He went on that just as it would be wrong to
coerce Ulster, his government did not “believe in Ulster coercing other
units”. He also said that the economic
and geographical qualification in the boundary clause was inserted solely to
prevent the transfer of isolated areas such as the Glens of Antrim. Later in the debate (on December 16th), he backtracked. Faced with accusations that he had promised Fermanagh and Tyrone to the Irish negotiators, he said that this was not so and went to say that the economic and geographical qualifications in Article 12 would limit the changes that the Boundary Commission could make (but he was unspecific as to what he meant by limited changes). In these debates, the Treaty is supported by
the Liberals, Labour and crucially by Bonar Law. (However, Bonar Law
did say that Article 12 – the NI and boundary commission article – were his
one “serious objection” to the Treaty but that he was convinced that the
Ulster Unionists had nothing to fear from the agreement. He added “It is absurd to think that we
have settled the Irish Question” and, on the contrary, he foresaw “terrible
difficulties ahead”.) After three days of debate, it is passed by
401 votes to 58. Opposition was stronger in the British House of Lords. Speaking in his maiden speech in the House of Lords on December 14th, Carson says “I was fighting with others [Tories] whose friendship and comradeship I hope that I will lose from tonight, because I don’t value any friendship that is not founded upon confidence and trust. I was in earnest. What a fool I was! I was only a puppet, and so was Ulster, and so was Ireland in the political game that was to get the Conservative Party into power.” However, on December 16th the House of Lords pass the Treaty by 166 votes to 47 (with many abstentions). Carson’s emotional outburst illustrates the fears and suspicions of unionists around the Treaty. However, time was to show, that Carson’s Conservative allies were to stand strongly behind Northern Ireland’s unionists. |
Curran J M (1980), pgs 138-139; Matthews (2004), pgs 3, 59-60 and 64; Kenny (2021), pg 124 |
|
Dec-14-21/2 |
15 members of the Irish Roman Catholic
Hierarchy issue a statement supporting the Treaty. See also Dec-25-21/2. |
Macardle (1999), pg 597 |
|
Dec-14-21/3 |
The
Third Session of the Second Dáil – Day One – 14th December 1921 The Dáil begins to debate of the Treaty.
The Dáil was to meet on 15 days over the coming month with the critical vote
on the Treaty taking place on January 7th 1922. In this first session, de Valera claims that
the delegates did not carry out their instructions by failing to consult the
cabinet before signing the Treaty. He also says that the Treaty should
be discussed on its merits. Collins and Griffith dispute that the
delegates had exceeded their powers. The Dáil goes into private session to discuss
the Treaty. The proceedings of Day One of the Third Session of the Second Dáil are available here: https://www.oireachtas.ie/en/debates/debate/dail/1921-12-14/ The second day of the Third Session of the Second Dáil started on December 15th 1921 – see Dec-15-21/1. |
O'Farrell P (1997), pg xviii; Macardle (1999), pg 609 |
|
Dec-14-21/4 |
Two RIC men were attacked at Kilmallock, Co. Limerick resulting in the death of one
RIC man (Sgt Thomas Enright) and the other is seriously wounded (Constable
Edward Timoney). O/C Donnchadh O’Hannigan, O/C of the East
Limerick Brigade, IRA said that the brigade was not involved. However, a local volunteer, in his BMH
statement said that Constable Enright was “particularly active and bitter
against our men … For this we decided that he should pay the death
penalty.” It was also believed that it
was Constable Enright who threw the grenade in Thurles on December 9th which
led to the death of Declan Hurton – see Dec-09-21/4. |
Abbott (2000), pg
271; O’Callaghan (2018), pg 102; McCarthy (2015), pg 97 |
|
Dec-15-21/1 |
The
Third Session of the Second Dáil – Day Two – 15th December 1921 The Dáil meets in private session to discuss
the Treaty. De Valera introduces his External Association
plan (a preliminary draft of Document No. 2). Macardle
says that de Valera introduced it in the hope of uniting the Dáil behind it
but it meets with strong opposition. Collins and Griffith say that the
British had rejected external association. De Valera withdraws his document
and asks that it be treated as confidential. Collins and Griffith
strongly object saying that confidentiality would prevent them showing that
the alternative to the Treaty was another compromise. (There were those
in the Dáil, for example Liam Mellows and Seamus Robinson, who rejected all
compromises.) With regards to Northern Ireland, de Valera says that “The difficulty is not the Ulster question ... We will take the same things as agreed on there.” The proceedings of Day Two of the Third Session of the Second Dáil are available here: https://www.oireachtas.ie/en/debates/debate/dail/1921-12-15/ The third day of the Third Session of the Second Dáil takes place on December 16th 1921 – see Dec-16-21/3. |
Macardle (1999), pg 609; Curran J M (1980), pgs 147-148; Fanning (2013), pg 314 |
|
Dec-15-21/2 |
Craig writes to Chamberlain saying that
Unionists had the right to arm themselves forthwith. He also said that many of his followers now
believed that “violence is the only language understood by Mr. Llyod George
and his Ministers”. See Dec-16-21/2 for Chamberlain’s reply.
|
Matthews (2004), pg 59 |
|
Dec-15-21/3 |
Fermanagh County Council pledges allegiance to Dáil Eireann. After the meeting the RIC take possession of the council chamber. On December 21st (or 23rd) The NI Minister of Home Affairs dissolves the council and appoints a Commissioner. |
Phoenix (1994), pg 163; Curran J M (1980), pg 151 |
|
Dec-15-21/4 |
Replying to Otto Niemeyer’s memo (see Dec-12-21/2), the British Chancellor of the Exchequer, Richard Horne, assured Niemeyer that the British government did not intend to “let the N.E. Ireland have Specials ad libitum”. See Jan-17-22/1. |
Matthews (2004), pg 72 |
|
Dec-16-21/1 |
An editorial in An tOglaċ says that “The Army is the servant of the Nation and will obey the national will expressed by the chosen representatives of the people … Whatever the decision may be, the soldiers and officers of the Army of Ireland will accept it in the true spirit of disciplined soldiers”. |
Townshend (2014), pg 351; Garvin
(1996), pg 47 |
|
Dec-16-21/2 |
Replying to Craig’s letter of December 15th, Chamberlain rejected that unionists had been betrayed by the Treaty. He said that it was the unionists’ own fault that they had been presented with a fait accompli because they had refused to join the negotiations unless an All-Ireland Parliament had been ruled out. He continued that if the British had “accepted
your condition for attending the Conference, there would have been no
Conference for you to attend”. He went
on to say that it was obvious that any boundary revision could not “be
carried out by Counties as a whole”. |
Matthews (2004), pgs 59-60 |
|
Dec-16-21/3 |
The
Third Session of the Second Dáil – Day Three – 16th December 1921 The Dáil meets in private session to discuss
the Treaty. Gavan Duffy gives a detailed speech on the Treaty. He concludes by saying that “I am not enthusiastic about this Treaty although I am going to support it”. He also noted that “Some of the most substantial concessions that were obtained were obtained at the last moment in the evening and afternoon of the day on which the Treaty was signed [i.e. December 5th]”. There was a long debate on the Oath and, in particular, what was agreed (or not agreed) at the Irish cabinet meeting on December 3rd – see Dec-03-21/1. This was followed by mostly procedural debate. The proceedings of Day Three of the Third Session of the Second Dáil are available here: https://www.oireachtas.ie/en/debates/debate/dail/1921-12-16/ The fourth day of the Third Session of the Second Dáil takes place on December 17th 1921 – see Dec-17-21/3. |
|
|
Dec-17-21/1 |
The Belfast Newsletter says that the ratification of the Treaty in Westminster – see Dec-14-21/1 – is a “betrayal of Ulster” (but see Jan-23-22/2). |
Parkinson (2004), pg 198 |
|
Dec-17-21/2 |
Writing to his fiancée, Kitty Kiernan, Collins
says that “[The English] have made a greater concession than we. They have given up their age-long attempt
to dominate us”. Townshend comments that “This perception was
as vital as his famous assertion that the Treaty gave freedom – not the
“ultimate freedom” but the “freedom to achieve freedom” [see
Dec-19-21/1]”. Townshend also comments
(with perhaps a little too much hindsight) “The Treatyites
perhaps sensed – before perhaps the British did – that in future the crude
assertion of old-fashioned ‘hard’ power would be in decline”. There was also some subterfuge occurring on
the pro-Treaty side which would emerge more fully over the coming
months. For example, Seán Hales claims
that Collins told him “the British broke the Treaty of Limerick, and we’ll
break this Treaty too when it suits us, when we have our own army”. Similarly, Frank Aiken claims that Eoin O’Duffy said, in the presence of a number of senior IRA
officers including himself, that the signing of the Treaty was a trick and
that GHQ had only approved the Treaty “in order to get the arms to continue
the fight”. See also what Sean McKeon
says to the Dáil – Dec-17-21/3. |
Townshend (2014), pgs 334-356 |
|
Dec-17-21/3 |
The
Third Session of the Second Dáil – Day Four – 17th December 1921 Sean McKeon describes the military situation as follow: “I know perfectly well I have charge of four thousand men. I do not here hesitate to say that number. But of that four thousand I have a rifle for every fifty. Now that is the position as far as I am concerned and I may add that there is about as much ammunition as would last them about fifty minutes for that one rifle. Now people talk lightly of when we are going to war. I hold they do not know a damn thing about it.” He concluded by saying “I hold further the Treaty is called a bird in the hand. I hold that that bird in the hand can be turned to Ireland's interests, not to put or to have only one rifle in the hands of every fifty men but to put one rifle in every man's hand.” See also Dec-17-21/2. Arguing against the Treaty being put to the people, Mary MacSwiney stated that if it was put it a vote of the people then “This ratification must go to the people not yet trained out of the slavery which the last 100 years have put into these souls. As to whether the majority of the people would take it, what would the majority in 1916 have taken? Somebody quoting Pádraig Pearse said "We have lost this battle but we have saved the soul of the nation", and if you tomorrow ratify this Treaty you would have done the best you could to undo Pádraig Pearse's work and to lose the soul of the nation, for we have to face the fact that our people are only gradually coming out of the slavehood”. She continued that “It was the minority in 1916 that made 1918 possible; it was that minority all along that made it possible to have this offer today”. She said that the people were not in a position to decide because they had been in “slavery for 120 years and longer”. She said that, because the people cannot decide as “free men”, it was up to the members of the Dáil to decide for them and then she stated that “We cannot compromise but I ask you to vote in the name of the dead to unite against this Treaty and let us take the consequence”. The proceedings of Day Four of the Third Session of the Second Dáil are available here: https://www.oireachtas.ie/en/debates/debate/dail/1921-12-17/ The fifth day of the Third Session of the Second Dáil takes place on December 19th 1921 – see Dec-19-21/1. |
Kissane (2005), pg 60 |
|
Dec-17-21/4 |
Three men were shot by snipers during
disturbances in Belfast. Two were Protestants – Walter Pritchard (30)
and John McMeekin (41) and the third – Edward Brennan (22) – was
Catholic. Also, a Catholic shopkeeper, Frances Donnolly or Donnelly, was shot in her shop on the Ravenhill Rd. and she died two days later. (McDermott says that McMeekin was shot dead by a Special.) |
Parkinson (2004), pg 174; McDermott (2001), pg 145; O’Halpin and Ó Corráin (2020), pgs 541-542; Parkinson (2020), pg 157 |
|
Dec-17-21/5 |
The Sligo Champion reports on a speech given in Manorhamilton, Co. Leitrim by James Dolan, Sinn Féin TD for Leitrim-North Roscommon, where he says that the threat by Llyod George of a resumption of war was realistic but “we shall be a free people. Some say that our freedom is limited, but if we look around and examine the small nations of the world, we will realise that we will have to bow in this wicked world to the forces of might”. |
McGarty (2020), pg 107 |
|
Dec-17-21/6 |
An attempted raid for arms by the IRA on the Balmoral military camp in Belfast is foiled with the capture of six IRA men. |
McDermott (2001), pg 146-147 |
|
Dec-19-21/1 |
The
Third Session of the Second Dáil – Day Five – 19th December 1921 The Dáil meets in public. Griffith proposes the motion “That Dáil Eireann approves the Treaty between Great Britain and Ireland signed in London on December 6th, 1921”. He referred to de Valera’s External Association document and said that the difference between it and the Treaty was a “quibble of words”. The motion is seconded by Sean McKeon. De Valera opposed the motion saying the Treaty
did not do “the fundamental thing” and it would set bounds to the march of
the nation. He asked if the members of the Dáil were “to sign our names
to the most ignoble document that could be signed”. Austen Stack
opposed the motion saying that the Treaty would leave Irishmen British
subjects, he denounced the oath and demanded full independence. After lunch, Collins supported the motion
saying that there would have been no conference if the Irish cabinet
recognition of the Republic as a precondition. “The whole
attitude of Britain towards Ireland in the past was an attitude of intimidation
and we, as negotiators, were not in a position of conquerors dictating terms
of a peace to a vanquished foe. … Rejection of the Treaty means that
your national policy is war. …”. He went onto say that the Treaty gave “us freedom, not the ultimate freedom that all nations desire and develop to, but the freedom to achieve it” and to advance towards the achievement of economic independence and a Gaelic state. He also said that he did not sign the Treaty under duress but because he would not commit the Irish people to war without the Irish people committing themselves to war (but see Gavan Duffy on December 21st). Childers talked next and opposed the Treaty,
he said that terms honourable to Ireland were pressed until “that last
terrible hour”. These terms would have excluded the King of England and
British authority from Ireland and then, when Ireland was absolutely free in
Irish affairs, it could enter into an association with Britain. Kevin O’Higgins then supported the motion. Robert Barton said that after he, Collins and Griffith arrived at 10 Downing St in London for the final session of talks at 3.00pm on December 5th (see Dec-05-21/3) “In the struggle that ensued Arthur Griffith sought, repeatedly, to have the decision between war and peace on the terms of the Treaty referred back to this assembly [Dáil Éireann]. This proposal Mr Llyod George directly negative. He claimed that we were plenipotentiaries and that we must accept or reject.” He went on say that Llyod George “with all the solemnity and power of conviction that he alone, of all the men that I have met, can impart by word and gesture – the vehicles by which the mind of one man oppresses and impresses the mind of another – declared that the signature of every member of our delegation was necessary or war would follow immediately. He gave us until 10 o’clock [that night] to make up our minds, and it was then about 8.30.” Barton said that he was going to vote for the Treaty, albeit reluctantly. The proceedings of Day Five of the Third Session of the Second Dáil are available here: https://www.oireachtas.ie/en/debates/debate/dail/1921-12-19/ The sixth day of the Third Session of the
Second Dáil takes place on December 20th 1921 – see Dec-20-21/1. |
Macardle (1999), pgs 609-611; Curran J M (1980), pgs 147-149; Kenny (2021), pg 16 |
|
Dec-19-21/2 |
Commenting on the recent upsurge in violence, the Northern Whig say that it was due to the IRA’s return to the “warpath” and it was the “work of men who want to see Belfast … reduced to a condition of chronic anarchy”. However, the Irish News on the same day says that Catholic areas faced “an organised campaign of extermination” and that they were faced double attacks from loyalists and Crown forces. |
Parkinson (2004), pg 175 |
|
Dec-20-21/1 |
The
Third Session of the Second Dáil – Day Six – 20th December 1921 Dáil debate on the Treaty resumes. It
goes into private session in the afternoon to discuss the military
situation. Most of the military officers present say that
a return to pre-Truce conditions was impossible. Seán T. O’Kelly says “The two great principles for which so many have died … - no partition and no subjugation of Ireland to any foreign power – have gone in this Treaty and some good men are thinking of voting for it.” In the renewed public session, Sean Milroy attacks de Valera’s tactics. The proceedings of Day Six of the Third Session of the Second Dáil are available here: https://www.oireachtas.ie/en/debates/debate/dail/1921-12-20/ The seventh day of the Third Session of the
Second Dáil takes place on December 21th 1921 – see Dec-21-21/1. |
Curran J M (1980), pg 149; Garvin (1996), pg ii |
|
Dec-21-21/1 |
The
Third Session of the Second Dáil – Day Seven – 21st December 1921 Dáil debate on the Treaty resumes. Gavan Duffy says that, when Griffith, Barton and Collins returned to Hans Place after the 3pm meeting of December 5th, (see Dec-05-21/4) they said that “Llyod George had issued to them an ultimatum to this effect ‘It must now be peace or war. My messenger goes tonight to Belfast. I have here two answers, one enclosing the Treaty and the other declaring a rupture, and, if it be a rupture, you shall have immediate war, and the only way to avert immediate war is to bring me the undertaking to sign of every one of the plenipotentiaries with a further undertaking to recommend the Treaty to Dáil Éireann and to bring me that by 10 o’clock. Take your choice.’ I shall not forget the anguish of that night, torn as one was between conflicting duties.” He added “I do not think that … it is an adequate motive for rejection to point out that some of us signed the Treaty under duress … It is necessary before you reject the Treaty to go further than that and to produce to the people of Ireland a rational alternative. My heart is with those who are against the Treaty, but my reason is against them, because I can see no rational alternative”. He also says that he signed the Treaty because
the alternative was “terrible and immediate war” as threatened by Llyod
George. Addressing the issue whether Llyod George was bluffing, he said
that “everyone who heard the British Prime Minister believed beyond all
reasonable doubt that this time he was not playacting, and that he meant what
he said.” With reference to the oath, Gavan Duffy described the King of England as “a gentleman who necessarily symbolises in himself the just anger and the just resentment of [Irish] people for 750 years … If they had kept their king out of Ireland an honest settlement would have been easy”. Eamonn Duggan states that the delegates did
not sign the Treaty because of personal intimidation or demoralization. He
signed because Britain was more powerful than Ireland and war was the
alternative. See Kenny (2021), pg 32 for
Duggan on negotiations meaning compromise. Sean T. O’Kelly argued against the desertion
of national principle which the Treaty involved. Cosgrave argued for the merits of the Treaty –
he also said that pressing economic and social problems made its acceptance
imperative. Mary MacSwiney gave a three hour speech
calling on members not to abandon the Republic. The proceedings of Day Seven of the Third Session of the Second Dáil are available here: https://www.oireachtas.ie/en/debates/debate/dail/1921-12-21/ The eight day of the Third Session of the Second Dáil takes place on December 22th 1921 – see Dec-22-21/1 |
Curran J M (1980), pg 150; Macardle (1999), pgs 618-622; Kissane (2005), pg 61; Kenny (2021), pgs 18 & 69 & 108 |
|
Dec-21-21/2 |
Mulcahy issues a long memo on Army and
State. He states that, by the provisions of the
Treaty, English armed occupation of Ireland would come to an end. He also says that, if war restarted “the
English could not be driven into the sea, nor even expelled from their
fortified positions”. He also says
“Any good Irishman, if assured that by dying he would secure for Ireland the
benefits included in the Treaty would have died without hesitation”. |
Townshend (2014), pg 352 |
|
Dec-21-21/3 |
A Protestant, John Wilson (71) was shot on his
way to work in Belfast and dies in hospital two weeks later. Around this time, two Donegal-born Catholic
barmen – Charles McCallion (30) and Hugh Kelly (28) were shot in separate
attacks in Millfield and York St and fail to recover from their
injuries. (Parkinson say that McCallion was shot on December 21st but McDermott and O’Halpin & Ó Corráin say December 19th. O’Halpin and Ó Corráin do not mention John Wilson being killed but that may be due to his dying in 1922. Neither do O’Halpin and Ó Corráin mention Hugh Kelly being killed but that may have been for the same reason.) |
Parkinson (2004), pg 174; McDermott (2001), pg 145; O’Halpin and Ó Corráin (2020), pg 542; Parkinson (2020), pg 157 |
|
Dec-22-21/1 |
The
Third Session of the Second Dáil – Day Eight – 22nd December 1921 Dáil debate on the Treaty resumes. Mulcahy said that, even though there were
faults in the Treaty, he would support it as there was no alternative.
He says that the IRA could not drive the enemy from the Treaty ports, in
fact, it had been unable to drive the enemy from anything but a good-size
police barracks. Sean McEntee attacks the Treaty because it
“perpetuates partition” and consequently the “slavery of the Irish
people”. He went on to ask “When did
the achievement of our nation’s unity cease to be one of our national
aspirations?” and went to say that unity was the “greatest of all our Irish
aspirations”. McEntee was one of the few anti-Treaty speakers to attack
the Treaty on the partition issue. Around this date, Tipperary TD P.J. Moloney says “we have been manoeuvred into a position where we have to choose between two hells”. The proceedings of Day Eight of the Third Session of the Second Dáil are available here: https://www.oireachtas.ie/en/debates/debate/dail/1921-12-22/ The Dáil went into Christmas recess and the ninth day of the Third Session of the Second Dáil takes place on January 3rd 1922 – see Jan-03-22/1. |
Curran J M (1980), pg 150; Macardle (1999), pgs 622-623; Phoenix (1994), pgs 160-161; Ferriter (2021), pg 10; Parkinson (2020), pg 138 |
|
Dec-23-21/1 |
The Protestant owner of a number of bars, William Armstrong, is shot dead near his home on Connsbrook Avenue in Belfast. Robbery may have been the motive as he was carrying the day’s takings. |
Parkinson (2004), pg 174; O’Halpin and Ó Corráin (2020), pg 542 |
|
Dec-24-21/1 |
In an editorial, the Clare Champion strongly urges acceptance of the Treaty. Most local and national newspapers came out for the Treaty. A survey of newspapers shows that only three local papers – the Connachtman (Sligo); the Donegal Vindicator and the Waterford News – took an anti-Treaty position. |
Power (2020), pg 2; Ferriter
(2021), pg 20 |
|
Dec-25-21/1 |
On Christmas morning, two RIC men attacked near Cupar St, Belfast – although injured both survive. |
Parkinson (2004), pg 175 |
|
Dec-25-21/2 |
In a Christmas Day sermon in Ennis Cathedral,
Co. Clare, the RC Bishop of Killaloe (Dr Fogarty) urges support for the
Treaty and warns of the dangers of civil war. |
Power (2020), pg 4 |
|
Dec-27-21/1 |
Llyod George had appointed a cabinet committee
to oversee the transfer of power to the Free State. It is called the Provisional
Government of Ireland committee and it is chaired by Churchill (as Colonial
Secretary). It meets for the first time on this date. (Fanning says that it met for the first time on December 21st. Matthews indicates that it was set up by the British Cabinet at a meeting on December 21st so perhaps it met for the first time on this date.) |
Hopkinson (1988), pg 53; Curran J M (1980), pg 160; Fanning (2013), pg 313; Matthews (2004), pg 66 |
|
Dec-27-21/2 |
During a conflict between a Special
Constabulary patrol (led by an RIC constable) and a group of men on the Oldpark Road, Belfast, one civilian and the RIC constable
(Constable Francis Hill) are killed. The civilian is an IRA officer, David Morrison and McDermott says he was shot in his home by Specials. Another IRA man, Patrick J. Flynn (23) dies in Belfast around this time. |
Abbott (2000), pg 272; O'Farrell P (1997), pg 114; Parkinson (2004), pg 175; McDermott (2001), pg 148-149 & 153; O’Halpin and Ó Corráin (2020), pg 542 |
|
Dec-30-21/1 |
Over the Christmas period, many meetings are
held around the country on the Treaty and support for the Treaty
solidifies. Overall, some 328 public bodies were to pass
motions in favour of the Treaty including 20 county councils, 75 urban/rural
district councils and 23 Board of Guardians. (Hopkinson says a total of 328 statutory public bodies declared themselves in favour of the Treaty with 5 declaring against. Curran has slightly different figures. He says a total of 369 elected and other bodies endorsed the Treaty with 14 voting against. The elected and other bodies include most county councils and borough corporations.) On December 22nd, Clare County Council (Chaired by Michael Brennan) passes a motion in favour of the Treaty by 17 votes to 5. Copies of the resolutions were sent to the four Clare TDs. See Jan-03-22/4. On December 29th, Sligo Corporation supports the Treaty by 14 votes to five (despite the fact that practically all the Sligo IRA had gone anti-Treaty). Also, Tyrone county council supports the
Treaty. 100 delegates representing 40 Sinn Féin clubs
in Co. Monaghan meet in Ballybay and pass a
resolution supporting the Treaty. Phoenix says that unionist hostility
to the Treaty (and the boundary clause in particular) served to solidify
northern nationalist support for the Treaty. Waterford Corporation on January 3rd passed a motion in support of the Treaty while Waterford County Council failed to reach agreement. On December 30th, Kildare County Council voted in favour of the Treaty. Leitrim County Council ratifies the Treaty and instructs the four Leitrim-North Roscommon TDs to vote for the Treaty. Louth County Council passed a motion in favour
of the Treaty by seventeen votes to one. Meeting on New Year’s Eve, Donegal County Council unanimously called on Donegal TDs to ratify the Treaty. |
Phoenix (1994), pgs 161-164; Dooley (2000), pg 46; Farry (2012), pg 90; McCarthy (2015), pg 95; Durney (2013), pg 217; Hall (2019), pg 88; Doyle (2008), pg 60; Ozseker (2019), pgs 161-162; McGarty (2020), pg 107; Power (2020), pg 3; Hopkinson (1988), pg 35; Curran J M (1980), pg 150 |
|
Dec-31-21/2 |
IRA Volunteer, Michael McCrann, is accidently
shot dead in Gilhooly Hall in Sligo. |
O’Halpin
and Ó Corráin (2020), pg
542 |
|
Dec-31-21/3 |
Macready fears that British troops will be attacked in effort to provoke retaliation. He writes "I am more than ever convinced that unless troops are withdrawn from Southern Ireland with the utmost despatch … they will find themselves in a very difficult and unpleasant situation." |
Hopkinson (1988), pg 53 |
|
Dec-1921/1 |
Kevin O’Higgins is alleged to have said, around
this time, that “That crooked Spanish bastard will get the better of that
pasty-faced blasphemous fucker from Cork”. |
Garvin (1996), pg
101 |
|
Dec-1921/2 |
Writing to Joe McGarrity in late
December, de Valera says that he had “been tempted several times to take
drastic actions, as I would be entitled to legally” but continues “the army
is divided and the people wouldn’t stand for it”. De Valera does not specify what the
‘drastic actions’ he was contemplating but Townshend speculates that he may
have considered arresting the signatories to the Treaty. Todd Andrews also says that he
heard from Andy Cooney that he thought that “Griffith, Collins and the other
signatories should have been arrested at Dun Laoghaire on their return from
London”. Andrews says that he gathered
that, while there was some support for this proposition from South Tipperary,
there was no support for such a move from Cork and Dublin and goes on to say
that “The arrest of Mick Collins [by the IRA] … would be like Tibetan monks
arresting the Dalai Lama”. He added
that “There was a widespread belief in the IRA that, whatever the outward
appearances might be, Collins had something up his sleeve”. |
Townshend (2014), pg 359; Andrews (1979), pg 205 |